The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 was a cornerstone of the French Revolution Photo: Creative Commons
The French Revolution can be considered an epochal medial event in two ways. First, it resulted from an unprecedented explosion of text, images and oral media – a democratization of political mass communication which the Revolution, in turn, accelerated. Second, it consisted of a chain of spectacular and sensational key historical events that were communicated throughout Europe by newspapers, translated graphic satires, songs and printed images.
Media of the Revolution – Revolution of the Media
The French Revolution was the largest 1since the days of the – it was a revolution of spontaneous mass movements, rousing speeches and public festivals, but especially a revolution of print media. The pamphlets and newspapers, picture and song prints, posters and medallions multiplied by print were simultaneously the driving force behind, and products of, the incredible events. The alleviation of censorship and the acceptance of citizen participation in politics unleashed an unprecedented flood of political journalism which, although restricted under the Jacobin dictatorship, ultimately lasted until the coup of . Instead of comprehensive books and ornate engravings for the wealthy and educated, the printing industry was now ruled by cheap short-form writings and topical products intended for everyone. Insofar as this type of journalism appealed particularly to the general population and was disseminated in the dense communication network of the 6,000 Jacobin clubs and popular societies across the country, it contributed significantly to mobilizing supporters and opponents of the Revolution and incorporating them into an on-going public debate.
The anonymous cartoonist argues that Louis XVI forfeited his royal dignity through his attempted escape on 20 July 1791. Without setting aside his usual pipe, the Père Duchesne heeds nature’s call in front of a symbolic royal monument and wipes his bottom with the declaration which the fugitive had left behind in the Tuileries. His sidekick Jean Bart, another popular figure, smiles, while a muse of freedom decapitates the crowned obelisk.
Among the more than 40,000 prints and pamphlets of the revolutionary period, a number of processes can be observed which were used by all political camps to appeal to the public. Thus the often anonymous, patriotic writers would tend to couch their polemics against the old aristocracy and express their joy over the ‘good news’ of the Revolution in the familiar guise of the Catholic liturgy. Litany and Magnificat of the Third Estate, Confession of the Sins of Nobility, Gospel of Freedom, The Citizen’s Ave and Credo, the Lord’s Prayer of the Sans-Culottes: These are just a few of the suggestive titles of the sometimes satirical, sometimes solemn booklets.
Even more overtly didactic were the political catechisms that adapted a standard form of Christian instruction for revolutionary purposes. The most notable of these, as well as the most successful popular book of the Revolution, was the Almanach du Père Gérard by the former actor 2, which was awarded a prize in competition by the Jacobin Club in 1791. In a series of conversations, it narrates how the farmer Michel Gérard, the only peasant member of the National Assembly, returns to his home in to explain to his fellow villagers the benefits of the new constitution.
The principle of observing the language of the people was taken quite literally, as hundreds of pamphlets placed their arguments in the mouths of well-known figures from the fun fair theatres. In scenic depictions, they made use of the coarse language of the Parisian indoor markets. Their most popular title character was the stove-fitter Père Duchesne: a straight-talking commoner, whose moustache and pipe smoking in public were as offensive to bourgeois sensibilities as his foul-mouthed “fuck-filled” curses.3Whether he colloquially dressed down King or urged the sans-culottes to take on the fight against the Church’s ‘new aristocracy’, he always knew how to emphasize his radical agitation with dramatic language and symbolism.
Part messenger of the heavens, part Liberté dressed in the antique style, an allegorical female figure stands on a pedestal for the still on-going writing of the constitution and presents to the royal crown the motto of the constitutional monarchy (“The nation – the law – the king”). Gathered around her are the leading editors of the revolutionary press: front left stands Brissot with the Patriote français, then Gorsas, his Courrier and Prudhomme with the Révolutions de Paris, etc. From underground, to which he was occasionally forced to flee, Marat holds up his newspaper. Some of the journalists are crowned with laurels and, in the manner of saints, wear holy flames around their heads as a sign of their enlightenment.
Even more than by the prints, the French Revolution was sustained by the explosive growth of the press.4 Under the sign of the Revolution, newspapers that were once an affair of the elite suddenly developed into a mass medium – something that is taken for granted today. If the number of political bulletins in before the Revolution could be counted on one hand, it soon mushroomed to over three hundred weekly and daily newspapers between July 1789 and 1790. They were typically “one-man newspapers”, for the profitable pre-industrial conditions of production (low wages, cheap materials, simple hand presses) still predominated. These papers competed to win the favour of a dramatically growing readership with low prices. Some 1,600 different newspapers were established during the Revolution, many though for only a short time. The highest printruns over several years were achieved by radical revolutionary papers like the Révolutions de France under and the Annales patriotiques (10,000–12,000 copies) under and . The ultra-royalist Ami du Roi founded by the Abbé , however, also had 5,700 subscribers, still twice as many as any journal in Old France. The total daily circulation of the Parisian newspapers alone amounted to 130,000 copies in 1791, reaching the 150,000 mark in 1797. About half of this production was regularly sent to the provinces, forcing the postal service to greatly expand its capacity. The social reach of the new press was considerable, especially since each individual newspaper at the time was commonly received by an average of about ten adult readers, due to collective reading which was common at the time. This meant three million readers or over ten per cent of the population, which in turn was an exceptional impetus to the democratization of political information and opinion.
Freedom of the Press, coloured etching, France 1796; source: Prometheus-Bildarchiv JLU Gießen
New journalistic techniques were also incorporated in the revolutionary press, starting with the external aesthetics and mode of public presentation. The unstructured, narrowly printed text columns of the old gazettes gave way to a layout with headlines, editorials and regular categories. This is especially noticeable in the poster newspapers of the Paris Commune. The more radical the paper, the more eye-catching and blatant was the appearance. Hence the headlines in each edition of Ami du Peuple fromtook up a large part of the title page for the hawkers to call them out. In France, newspapers were first sold on the street at the time of the Revolution , as the example of the Journal du soir under confirms: 10,000 copies of the paper were printed up, delivered, and “sung” at night by 180 paperboys on the streets of Paris in 1792.
Je suis le véritable pere Duchesne, foutre Hébert, Jacques-René (1757-1794). Auteur du texte / La Feuille villageoise : adressée, chaque semaine, à tous l
At the same time, the revolutionary press cultivated a populist style of writing with an emphasis on opinion-based journalism. More than one paper was named Père Duchesne, most prominently the paper of choice of the Parisian sans-culottes edited by 5 To address the farmers, the former Jesuit founded a special “village newspaper” with his La Feuille villageoise. It was distinguished by its catchy diction and reported on the achievements of the Revolution, highlighting intimate scenes and dialogue. Published from 1790 to 1795, the paper had up to 15,000 subscribers, including many teachers and pastors, the most important cultural mediators in rural settings. Nevertheless, no newspaper of the Revolution appealed as forcefully to the “people” as the Ami du Peuple, headed by the former physician and underground writer Jean-Paul Marat. Marat used this platform every day to speak to the people as if he were addressing his children. He tirelessly scolded their artlessness, urged vigilance, warned of a new “aristocracy” and denounced “conspiracies” that threatened the Revolution. In presenting himself as an effective tribune of the people, Marat embodied the new ideal of the eloquent and socially committed journalist..
“The Little Counter Revolution”, 1791 / Creative Commons
Great quantity, mass appeal and increased presence in public spaces – these features certainly characterize the non-written 6 The ubiquitous wall newspapers, town criers, street singers, itinerant actors and picture dealers no doubt lent the revolutionary communication a certain cheap sensationalism. Just the same, their methods presented an effective way to mobilize ordinary citizens who were often barely literate. By virtue of their characteristic emotionality, captivating melodies and visual presence, the political songs and graphic satires had a much stronger impact on the collective consciousness than texts and speeches.7of political communication. They are media of an oral culture of displaying and seeing, speaking and listening, which, although it had been suppressed by the Enlightenment, returned with the Revolution. In April 1796, German freedom pilgrim was still able to report from Paris that “Büsten, Kupferstiche, Gemählde, Bibliotheken, Possenreißer, Marionettenspieler, Taschenspieler zeigen sich in allen Stadtgegenden, und haben einen größern oder kleinern Schwarm von Bewunderern und Tadlern um sich versammelt. Selbst Melodien werden verkauft, und dem Ohre der Käufer eingezeigt”.
A brief survey of the revolutionary picture journalism shows that the mass-produced items were largely made by unknown artists and distributed by small printers and publishers. Their roughly coloured sheets reached printings of one to three thousand copies, and frequently this was multiplied by re-prints and pirated copies. In Paris, they were displayed to the general public at the markets, on house walls in the boulevards and under the arcades of the Palais-Royal. In contrast to the established engravers, who preferred mythological subjects and genre scenes, the new image makers used the more rapid and freer etching technique to offer immediate satirical commentary and interpret current events. They gave emblematic expression to deeply symbolic occurrences, political principles and hopes and fears by means of illustrated reports of popular uprisings, caustic imagery directed against the aristocrats, idealised pictures of patriotic unity, heroic images of the Bastille victors and sans-culottes, horrific depictions of the Jacobin dictatorship and ideograms of Liberté, Égalité and the République.8
Graphic Satire with Revolutionary Allegories, 1789 / The multi-leaf sheet combines miniature versions of the most popular socially critical revolutionary cartoons such as the fraternization of the three estates at the altar of the motherland (1st row, 2nd picture), the joint forging of the constitution (2nd row, 1st picture) and the victory of the third estate over the clergy and the nobility in the dice game (4th row, 3rd picture). The same motifs were also placed on snuff boxes, medallions, buttons and hand-held fans.
The revolutionary caricatures were especially popular.9 Impressively, they knew how to politicise the familiar motifs of the iconographic tradition and combine them with original pictorial inventions in summarizing form. Their most popular motifs were copied and compiled on single sheets, effectively miniature galleries for the small budget. The derision expressed in these cartoons was often provocative and, in fact, heightened class tensions. Eye witnesses report how the crowds of curious onlookers, full of sardonic pleasure, would push around the picture dealers’ displays to view the latest creations: the liberated peasant who rides triumphantly on the back of his former oppressors; the “patriotic barber” who shaves the clergyman and cuts off the nobleman’s pigtail; the representatives of the three estates in the unanimous “forging” of the constitution; the “patriotic arithmetician” who gruesomely works out a mental calculation with severed heads. Accordingly, the conservative journalist Jacques-Marie Boyer-Brun recognized in this satirical imagery “the thermometer of public opinion” and an effective catalyst during the Revolution for mobilizing the “rabble”.10
Reflections on the revolution in France
The Revolution’s Medial Transfer
As the writerremarked in December of 1789, it seemed unnecessary to describe the revolutionary events in France “da Deutschland mit Schriften darüber bis zum Eckel überschwemmt [werde]”. Nonetheless, to Boie, the resonance of the Revolution around was quite striking:
Wie ein elektrischer Schlag, der von Paris ausging, wirkte sie auf alle Nationen; bis nach Dalmatien drang dieser Geist. Sogar Völker, die so abgespant waren, dass sie alle Begriffe von Freiheit verloren zu haben schienen, die Römer, wurden begeistert, und fühlten einen Augenblick einen Drang nach einer bessern Lage. Auf kein Land wirkte sie aber stärker, als auf unser Deutschland. … Bis in die kleinsten deutschen Dörfer drang dieser Schlag, und bei der Unzufriedenheit, mit der die meisten Menschen in der Welt leben, erregte er Neigung zur Empörung. Wenige deutsche Staaten werden gewesen sein, in denen nicht Gährungen entstanden sind.11
“The Knight of the Woeful Countenance”, 1790 / The coloured etching, published on 15 November 1790 by William Holland in London, ridiculed Edmund Burke (1729–1797) as Don Quixote in an armour with lance and shield, bearing the inscription “Shield of Aristocracy and Despotism” as well as scenes of torture and death and a view of the Bastille. Burke rides on a donkey with a human face, adorned with the tiara of the Pope. He is just leaving the shop of James Dodsley (1724–1797), the publisher of his Reflections on the Revolution in France.
This assessment is largely true from a media-historical perspective. To be sure, in their broader outlines, the sensational Parisian “journées révolutionnaires” were an exceptional news story everywhere. And with the revolutionary forces gaining ground, revolutionary texts, images and hymns were exported on a large scale since the autumn of 1792, and even more so between 1796 and 1799, from the 12 and the French example sparked a large club movement among craftspeople, two dozen newspapers reported in 1789 on the heroism of the assailants of the Bastille and the beheading of Governor .13 Several London theatres also brought depictions of these sensational events to the stage,14 while the London publisher tried to capture the historical moment through allegorical imagery.and to and the “sister republics”. In the , meanwhile, where Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) unleashed an intense prints war
“The Overthrow of Despotism”, 1789 / The imaginary scene gives a positive interpretation of the 14th of July. After the capture of the Bastille, two freed prisoners – the one on the right resembling the Comte de Lorges – are welcomed by the liberal Duke of Orléans. The Bastille has been transformed from the stronghold of despotism to the seat of Liberté, who – standing on the books of the Enlightenment – is haloed by the rising sun of freedom. Across from her sets the sun of tyranny, surrounded by instruments of torture and execution. The Bourbon king in the middle kneels in simple dress, as if expressing gratitude for the revolutionary events.
However, the multi-media transfer of the latest happenings in France and the culture of the Revolution was the most immediate, dense and continuous in the territories of the. The following sketch will therefore focus on the German-speaking countries and the exemplary members of the long chain of events that constitutes the Revolution as a “total event”.
“Live and Be Free”, 1793 / The controversial journalist Linguet could only blame his own activity for his imprisonment. His eloquent, extremely exaggerated “suffering report” was the most effective indictment of the “Bastille despotism” before the Revolution; it was repeatedly published and translated throughout Europe.
A Message of Freedom in the Name of the Bastille
While revolutionary politics had attracted increasing attention in Germany since the convening of the Estates-General of France, it did not, however, become an international media event until the Bastille was taken on 14 July 1789. Under the headline “Like Paris, liberty takes France by storm … General revolution”, the lead editorial of the Hamburg Politisches Journal announced unprecedented news:
Die [französische] Nation singt nicht mehr – wurde vor mehreren Monaten … in unserem Journale bemerkt. – Am 12ten Julius fieng die Nation an zu schreyen, und auf ihr Geschrey fielen die Mauern der Bastille ein – die wohl stärker waren, als die von Jericho. Unser Zeitalter ist voller Wunder. Die religiösen haben aufgehört. Es geschehen lauter politische Wunder … Die Tage vom 12ten bis 15ten Julius gehören zu den merkwürdigsten in der Geschichte des menschlichen Geschlechts.
To rank the shocking developments within the horizon of what might have seemed politically possible, the editor further made use of an illustrative volcano metaphor:
Die Explosion war schnell. Aber das Feuer hatte lange geglüht. Die Revolution zu Paris ist im Grunde von altem Datum. Besonders wurde ihr Grund vor 3 Jahren gelegt. Da fieng sie in den Köpfen an, und am 14ten Julius führten sie die Hände aus.15
Like this Journal under 16 Drawing from the French daily press and other foreign organs such as the Gazette de Leyde or the London Chronicle as well as letters from German commercial travellers and “freedom pilgrims” in Paris,17 they formed a dense communication network by selectively quoting and copying each other. Even though the populist approach of the French revolutionary papers was absent in the German papers, the latter were no less popular among subscribers: from the Augspurgischen Ordinari Postzeitung (circulation: 10,000 copies) and the Erlanger Real-Zeitung (18,000 copies) to the Hamburgischen unpartheyischen Correspondenten (circulation: 30,000 copies). Overall, week in and week out, they reached about 3 million readers through group reading and public readings.18– which had 8,000 subscribers and was the most widely read political periodical in German reading societies – almost all of the two hundred newspapers in the German-speaking world reported on the events of July (with an interval of eight to 14 days) with approval or even enthusiasm.
The daily press was the quickest, but not the only medium to spread the “good news” of the conquest of the Parisian “Schreckensburg” (“tower of horrors”) by the rebellious people. Its effect was enhanced by an abundance of rapidly printed leaflets, mostly German translations of French pamphlets. They gave the events a dimension of historical depth, even if they often drew on older Germanized scandal reports from famous Bastille prisoners, which publicly denounced the state prison in word and image as a “despotisches Schandmal” (“despotic infamy”) of the enlightened age and called for its destruction.19 On 9 August, the enthusiastic “revolutionary tourist” and Brunswick pedagogue predicted that “the whole of Germany will soon be flooded with Bastille narratives”.20
In fact, the latest revelations from the looted archives of the Bastille in Paris aroused the general curiosity so much that the respective transmissions competed with each other on the German book market. A few examples can be mentioned here: various translations of the anonymous multi-volume “documentation” La Bastille dévoilée (1789–1790) were simultaneously published by the Bayreuth newspaper printing house21 and Donatius in .22 German versions of the Mémoires historiques et authentiques sur la Bastille (1789) attributed to were published in and by Varrentrapp & Wenner,23 in Leipzig and by Jacobäer and Stahel24 and in by Pfähler.25 The twenty-page excerpt from Remarques historiques sur la Bastille, prepared by the Berlin publisher and journalist , was already published in August 1789 under the concise title of Die Bastille, not only in a special supplement of the Berlinische Nachrichten, the Hannover’schen Magazin and the Kempten Neuesten Weltbegebenheiten, but also in two separate booklets.26
Beyond this, the surge of Bastille journalism sparked a veritable mania for collecting among German writers such asin Frankfurt. In October 1789, the brother-in-law of wrote anonymously.
Seit zehn Wochen, sind in Frankreich und England über 60 Satiren, 6 Stück Confessions, 8 Stück Beschreibungen, 34 Erzählungen, 80 Kupferstiche, und etliche tausend Epigrammen mit und ohne Salz, bei Gelegenheit der Zerstörung der Bastille, der Flucht einiger Großen des Reichs, der Rückkehr Neckers, der allenfalls noch zu erwartenden Ereignisse, etc. etc. erschienen.27
Vulpius was eager to make his collection known to the German public. Yet, as he was unable to translate the abundance of documents, he instead composed them into a loose succession of dramatic events in his Szenen in Paris, während und nach Zerstörung der Bastille (Scenes in Paris, during and after the Bastille’s demise). The enlightened Neuwied author 28went even further than this by working up the Bastille writings into two tragedies for the theatre.
As implied here, it was not sufficient for many contemporaries to simply read about the destruction of the Bastille as a media event. They also wanted to sensuously experience and re-live the occasion with like-minded people. Along with theatre performances, this social need was further met by a series of public celebrations of the first anniversary of the 14th of July in Frankfurt, 29 Thus the Bastille, anchored in the collective social conscience, became an integral part of the culture of remembrance., and Leipzig. Particular excitement was aroused by the “Freiheitsfest zu Ehren der Französischen Revolution” (“Freedom Festival in Honour of the French Revolution”) on the banks of the , to which the liberal merchant also invited the foreigners residing in . From distributing tricolour bands and cockades and odes recited by to the collective singing of a composition by the host, – Kantate: Der vierzehnte Julius after melodies from Messiah – and toasts to the “abolition of despotism” in Germany, all media were dedicated to strengthening patriotism following the French model.
Insofar as picture journalism was able to condense what had occurred and give it iconic resonance to a transnational audience, its contribution to the sensory transmission of the media event was no less significant. As observations from those like Campe and Vulpius attest, the popular graphic satires undoubtedly found their way from France into the Old Empire through colporteurs and travellers, providing a range of models for German engravers. Their numerous representations of the Bastille30 adhered to the Parisian originals as faithfully as their reproductions of complementary motifs. Two typical examples can be highlighted here:
“Liberation of the Comte de Lorges”, 1789 / The step-by-step invention of this idealized Bastille prisoner can be observed from day to day in contemporary newspapers and graphic satires. Finally, even an alleged “interview” was published in which de Lorges told of his terrible persecution and Curtius’s waxworks permitted curious citizens to marvel at the freedom martyr “in the flesh”.
One concerns a fictitious event: the liberation of the so-called Comte de Lorges, an imaginary figure representing numerous ideas. Unlike the seven prisoners freed by the victors at the Bastille on the evening of 14 July – all counterfeiters or mental patients – he embodied the ideal of the “freedom martyr”. An anonymous Parisian engraving shows him as a bearded old man in a dark prison cell welcoming his liberators, who have just broken through the cell door with torches in hand.An inverted, slightly enlarged copy of this fantasy image served as the frontispiece of the first revolution story of a German eyewitness. It was distributed by the Berlin publisher just in time for the Easter mass in 1790. The author was . After Schulz had made his way from Leipzig to Paris in May 1789 to conduct some literary research, the events surrounding the storming of the Bastille took him by surprise. He described the liberation of a prisoner using the same language some French newspapers and prints employed to report on the Comte de Lorges:
Er streckte beide Hände nach ihnen [seinen Befreiern] aus und flehete, daß man seine Qual nur kurz machen möchte. Ein Grenadier rief ihm zu: “Fürchten Sie nichts, guter Alter, wir wollen Sie nicht umbringen, sondern retten! Ihr Henker ist tot. Sie sollen leben.” Er trug ihn auf den Armen heraus. Die freie Luft machte ihn anfangs ohnmächtig, als er aber wieder zu sich selbst kam, lachte, fragte und sprach er wie ein Kind. Er war seit dreißig Jahren eingekerkert gewesen.31
The other example is the razing of the Bastille – a spectacle of weighty symbolism that attracted tens of thousands of onlookers for months on end and was portrayed in numerous prints, fashionable articles and medallions.32 Its depiction was particularly impressive in a colour etching published in several versions by the . The Augsburg image maker , who had already marketed French media events before the Revolution, immediately put out an engraved reproduction. He presented an eye-catching depiction of what the reports of the German press such as the Erlanger Real-Zeitung of 31 July 1789 were simultaneously portraying:
So strömt alles in die Strasse St. Antoine hin, um den bezaubernden Anblick der Niederreissung der so gefürchteten Bastille, darin so mancher Unschuldige das Opfer von Privatabsicht und Rachsucht wurde, zu geniessen, woran seit Morgens 3 Uhr vom 16ten 2000 Handwerksleute arbeiten, die mit ihrer Arbeit zum größten Unwillen des Publikums nicht schnell genug fertig werden können; und während daß Ludwig XVI. am einen Ende in die Stadt Paris kam, verstärkte man am andern mit 500 Mann die Zahl der Arbeiter, die dieses verhaßte Monument des Despotismus niederreissen. So oft ein Stein herunterstürzt, klopft das Volk in die Hände, und schreit aus vollem Halse: bravo, frisch dran! Macht geschwind, wir werden euch bar bezahlen; und Erfrischungen werden den Arbeitern in Menge gebracht.33
“Victory of the Bastille”, 1789 / Showing several romantic embellishments – for instance, the ruins are put at a distance from the viewer and their height is somewhat reduced – this copy falls short of the symbolic quality of the original. It remains, nonetheless, a powerful image. The bilingual title and legend are aimed at both German and French audiences.
The stone blocks being dragged around in the foreground of both pictures are a significant detail, for the revolutionary tourists had a tendency to take Bastille stones along with them as souvenirs and, as the patriotic song writer and journalistobserved, to give them away. When he received such a “relic” from Paris, he dedicated the exuberant verses from Auf eine Bastillentrümmer von der Kerkertüre Voltaires (To a Piece of Bastille Remains from Voltaire’s Prison Door) in his Vaterlandschronik to it:
Thank you, my friend, from the bottom of my heart
For the relic of the dreadful Bastille,
Which the free citizens’ strong hands
threw crushed as debris and sand.34
Christian Friedrich Daniel Schubart (1739–1791) / Musical director at the Württemberg court since 1769, Christian Friedrich Daniel Schubart was expelled from Württemberg in 1773 because of his moral conduct and his criticism of the nobility and clergy. In 1774, he founded the Deutsche Chronik in Augsburg, whose sharp polemics again led to his expulsion, which meant that he had to continue the journal in Ulm from 1775. He also published political lyrics (Die Fürstengruft, 1786; Kaplied, 1787), prose (Zur Geschichte des menschlichen Herzens, 1775) and writings on musical theory (Ideen zu einer Aesthetik der Tonkunst, ed. 1806). In 1777, Schubart was tricked into entering Württemberg territory, arrested and sentenced to ten years imprisonment. After he was released, he became the theatrical and musical director at the Württemberg court.
Between Jacobinism and “Regicide”
All of this was the beginning of an on-going medial Franco-German “revolutionary transfer”, which the sovereigns’ censorship measures could hinder, but not prevent. The evidence of broad cross-border communications – be they verbal, written or visual – ranges from wearing tricolour cockades during popular unrest in the territories on the left bank of the Rhine (1789/1790) to the rebellious peasants of 35citing the French news stories in the press (summer 1790) and the planting of liberty trees in fifty locations between and (1792/1793).
a) The communication processes underlying such social movements can be identified as having taken hold in the Republic of 36 Under the auspices of the French occupation overseen by General , a rudimentary democratic culture developed here for a short period. The 500 member strong Mainz Jacobin Club not only corresponded with the “parent organisation” in Paris, but also with a dozen other clubs in the French provinces. The Jacobins of Strasbourg sent a delegation of German-speaking members to Mainz to help organize an authentic revolutionary mission. At this time, the lawyer played an especially prominent role: his folksy summary of the French Constitution was systematically distributed in 9,500 copies, partly in poster, partly in booklet form. And, with his Handwerker- und Bauernkalender des alten Vaters Gerhard (Craftsmen and Farmers’ Almanac of Old Father Gerhard), he was able to congenially transmit the successful popular writings of Collot d’Herbois, which he skilfully enriched with local Palatine colour.37from 1792/1793.
Johann Reinhold (1729–1798) and Georg Forster (1754–1794) on Tahiti / Johann Reinhold Forster (1729–1798) was the descendant of a Yorkshire landowner who had emigrated as a supporter of Charles I (1600–1649). He was born near Danzig and worked as a Protestant clergyman. In 1765, he undertook an extended journey to Russia with his son Georg. In 1766, he settled in England with his family, where Johann Reinhold Forster struggled to make ends meet as a translator, writer and teacher. Here, the father and son received the opportunity to accompany James Cook (1728–1779) on his second world voyage between 1772 and 1775 (A voyage round the world, 1777). In 1780, Johann Reinhold Forster became professor for natural history in Halle, where he remained until his death.
Georg Forster (1754–1794) was professor in Kassel from 1778, in Vilnius from 1784 and a librarian in Mainz from 1788, where he became the vice-president of the Rhine-German National Convention after the French conquest of the city in 1793. In 1790, he travelled through the Netherlands, Great Britain and France with Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859) (Ansichten vom Niederrhein, von Brabant, Flandern, Holland, England und Frankreich, 3 parts, 1791–1794). The chronic penury of both Forsters forced them to moonlight as translators; they functioned, at times, like veritable “translation factories”. They concentrated on translations of travelogues, which at that time were very popular, from English. Due to their various activities as naturalists, teachers, reviewers, correspondents, editors, travel writers and translators, they were both significant mediators between Great Britain and Germany, as well as between Europe and the rest of the world.
At any rate, within a few weeks a substantial as well as intensive revolutionary journalism evolved, consisting in two-column printed posters in the German and French languages, popular teachings on the new democratic principles, anti-aristocratic pamphlets and, above all, a dedicated political press.38 Just how closely this press was tied to the revolutionary media in France can be ascertained from the speeches and writings of . Determined to import to Germany the new patriotic enthusiasm of the French, which he had witnessed first-hand in July of 1790 at the Champ de Mars in Paris, Forster founded a daily newspaper that clearly found inspiration in Marat’s Ami du Peuple, the Neue Mainzer Zeitung oder der Volksfreund. In addition to translations of French revolutionary texts, he regularly published the latest news from the National Convention in Paris and the trial of Louis XVI, examples of patriotic sacrifice and reports on freedom movements throughout Europe.39
As a result of its democratic culture following the French model, the Republic of Mainz became itself a media event in Germany, and indeed it was – from the perspective of the conservative majority – an example of frightful “revolutionary anarchy”.40 This was all the more true as the initial enthusiastic reception in the Old Empire of the news from Paris mainly turned to condemnation in the course of France’s political radicalization. Of course, this tended to increase, rather than minimize, the “fascination of the terrible”. In contrast to the absolutely vast amount of text journalism, it is easier to notice with the graphic satire how the French revolutionary media became anti-revolutionary instruments when transferred to German-speaking lands between 1792 and 1794. This tendency is even more clearly observable in the political cartoons and allegorical prints of the period than in those images merely depicting events.41
b) The startling news of Louis XVI’s beheading on 21 January 1793 – the “bloodiest disgrace of our century”42 – was disseminated, for example, throughout Europe by means of numerous event etchings, most showing similar details beneath a descriptive heading. Surrounded by a military cordon and a gaping crowd, the executioner is standing next to the guillotine, staging the lightning-fast execution by holding the former king’s severed head up by the hair and showing it to all the bystanders.43
By zooming in on this gesture, the Parisian engraver Villeneuve brought the aesthetics of suddenness and horror associated with guillotining to a climax.44 The bookseller commissioned a reproduction of this suggestive tableau with the engraver Boll in , an influential centre of popular prints. However, the censor only authorized it for publication and sale after the cartouche had been removed and the inscriptions had been changed.45 The threatening title of the prototype was altered into a sobering statement: “Wahre Abbildung des Unschuldigen Königs Ludwig XVI, der den 21. Jänner 1793 durch die Guillotine öffentlich unter Anschauung vieler tausenten Enthauptet worden ist.” (“The true image of the innocent King Louis XVI who was publicly beheaded by guillotine before many thousands of onlookers on 21 January 1793.”) The image’s new legend moralizingly entreats the viewer to mourn: “Mensch wen bey diesem Bild, dein Aug nicht Tränen stand, / Dan bis du härter noch, als selbst die Henkershand.” (“Lo, if your eye does not tear when looking upon this image/then you have even less feeling than the hand of the executioner.”) Thus, despite the same representation of the head, the new writings allowed the revolutionary shaming image to be transformed into a picture of counter-revolutionary martyrdom.Along with the undistorted, rather regally illustrated head of the king, the naturalism of the neck wound and the blood dripping from it shocked the viewers. Since the avenging arm of the executioner was detached from its relationship to a specific individual, additional mythological and religious associations were brought to mind, such as Perseus and the head of Medusa or Salome and the head of John the Baptist. The Phrygian cap and the plumb line in the cartouche emphasize that the king was beheaded in the name of freedom and equality. The writing in the picture also plays its part: the caption warns, “A lesson to crowned imposters”, and, quoted below, is the mocking final verse of the Marseillaise “may the impure blood fertilize our furrows”. The image legend also cites from a newspaper article by , who had praised the guillotining of the king as a “great act of justice” in the name of “destroying superstitious royalism”.
Johann Wilhelm von Archenholtz (1743–1812) / The publicist Johann Wilhelm von Archenholtz (1743–1812) fought for Prussia in the Seven Years War, which he described in his best known work Geschichte des Siebenjährigen Krieges in Deutschland von 1756 bis 1763 (1793). After the Treaty of Hubertusburg (1763) he received an honourable discharge from the army, travelled through Europe and stayed six years in England, as well as other countries. As the writer of a popular travelogue England und Italien (1785) and editor of both Annalen der Brittischen Geschichte (1789–1799) and the British Mercury (1787–1790), Archenholtz was an important mediator between Great Britain and Germany and a prominent representative of Anglophilia, until he started increasingly turning to France under the influence of the French Revolution.
c) The above-mentioned examples were part of an extensive general transfer of the Revolution as a media event, specifically communicated via an enormous array of German translations of French texts. The journalist, who had moved from to Paris and, finally, to the censor-free town of near Hamburg, insightfully noted:
Die Begierde deutscher Schriftsteller und Buchhändler, ausländische Schriften zu verdeutschen, … ist in Hinsicht Frankreichs jetzt aufs Höchste gestiegen. Die dortigen großen immer fortdauernden Ereignisse, die in Paris auferstandene Preßfreyheit, und der Umstand, daß diese französischen litterarischen Producte nicht Bücher, sondern fast alle Broschüren und kleine Tageblätter sind, ermuntern manchen Verlagerüstigen Mann zu dieser Jagd, die er bey starken Büchern und Werken vielleicht unterlassen würde.46
In fact, during the decade of the Revolution – the translations in the daily press not included – some 1,900 political texts on current events from France were published in German, almost half of which were small prints and graphic satires.47 Insofar as these transfers were specifically launched by a translation office for the French government or by the Jacobin press in , they pursued primarily propagandistic aims.48 In most cases, however, they were largely a commercial product that was guided by the audience’s current main interests. To satisfy their curiosity about spectacular events like the September Massacres (1792), the siege of the Tuileries (1792) or the fall of Robespierre (1794), the magazine – such as Archenholtz ‘ Minerva, delivered monthly to 3,000 subscribers – was the preferred medium.
Ludwig Ferdinand Huber (1764–1804) / The writer and translator Ludwig Ferdinand Huber was born in Paris, the son of a German father and a French mother, and raised and educated bilingually in Germany. He translated from French and also eventually from English even as an adolescent. In 1788, he went to Mainz as secretary to the Saxon ambassador, working there with Georg Forster (1754–1794) and his wife on translations from French and English. He went to Switzerland in 1793 with Therese Forster, née Heyne (1764–1829), whom he married after Forster’s death. There, he became a writer of political and literary texts and continued to work as a translator. In 1798, he returned to Germany as editor of the Allgemeine Zeitung.
The Zurich physician Paul Usteri (1768–1831) was especially systematic in his approach. As an avid collector and reader of French revolutionary journalism, he planned to compile and provide translations of it for German readers in a “Bibliothek der freien Franken” (“library of the free Franks”). In order to avoid public exposure, he set up a “translation workshop” for the Mainz writer, who had fled across the border to the Swiss village of , and had the Germanized texts put into print by the Leipzig publisher . They supplied the materials themselves to the volumes of Beyträge zur Geschichte der französischen Revolution (1795/1796), specially created for this purpose, and to the journals Humaniora (1796–1797), Klio and Neue Klio (1795–1798).
French-German Translation Library 1770–1815 / The empirical survey of German translations of French revolutionary texts confirms the thesis of Johann Wilhelm von Archenholtz that the translation fever reached its peak in 1795, mainly concerning periodicals. After the Revolution, the press became even more dominant in the transfer of political news, remaining at a much higher level than between 1770 and 1788.
This “revolutionary library” was representative of the media at the time for three reasons. On the one hand, due to the massive size of the undertaking and its use of fifty printing locations distributed throughout German-speaking lands, the library bears witness to a broad and sustained media response to the French Revolution. Leipzig in particular towered over all other printing centres, followed by Hamburg, Berlin, Frankfurt, 49 On the other hand, though, this extensive medial transmission of the French Revolution was selective and thus characteristic of the limited receptiveness on the German side, as it preferred moderate, more “liberal” texts but had little interest in radical “plebeian” revolutionary journalism. Lastly, it served as a structure-forming catalyst in that it continually politicised and accelerated the flow of news from France to Germany, as the journalist Archenholtz once again aptly observed:and Vienna. A prominent mediating role was also played by bookstores oriented towards France like Decker in , Fontaine in , Hoffmann in Hamburg and Dyck in Leipzig.
Eine von den vielen Folgen, die die französische Revolution für Deutschland gehabt hat, ist die große Menge neuentstandener politischer Schriftsteller, Blattschreiber, und Buchmacher, die aus Zeitungsblättern (sollten es auch die elendesten im südlichen Deutschlande seyn) ihre Kenntnisse schöpfen, und dann sogleich die Feder in die Hand nehmen, um ihre Urtheile über die großen Begebenheiten des Tages, der Welt mitzutheilen.50
[Anonymus]: Merkwürdige Inquisitionsakten, in dem Archiv der Bastille wirklich gefunden, n.p. 1790.
Anonymus: Merkwürdige in dem Archive der Bastille wirklich gefundene Inquisitions-Akten, Protokolle und andere wichtige Papiere: Ein Beytrag zur Geschichtkunde und Menschenkenntniß, Heidelberg 1790, online: http://resolver.sub.uni-goettingen.de/purl?PPN626808154 [08.08.2012].
[Anonymus]: No Title, in: Politisches Journal 2 (1789), eighth part, August 1789, pp. 901–921.
[Anonymus]: Ueber Voltairens Vorhersagung der französischen Revoluzion, in: Neues Deutsches Museum 1 (1789), Sechstes Stück, December 1789, pp. 627–638, online: http://www.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/diglib/aufkl/neudeumus/neudeumus.htm [08.08.2012].
Archenholtz, Johann Wilhelm von: Ein paar Worte über die Concurrenz der Journalisten, in: Minerva: Ein Journal historischen und politischen Inhalts 2 (1795), pp. 562–566, online: http://www.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/diglib/aufkl/minerva/minerva.htm [08.08.2012].
idem: Wer darf in Deutschland französische Zeitungen lesen?, in: Minerva: Ein Journal historischen und politischen Inhalts 3 (1794), pp. 161–167, online: http://www.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/diglib/aufkl/minerva/minerva.htm [08.08.2012].
Boyer-Brun, Jacques-Marie: Histoire des caricatures de la révolte des Français, Paris 1792, vol. 1.
Buri, Ernst Karl Ludwig Isenburg von: Die Bastille: Ein Trauerspiel in vier Aufzügen nach französischen Originalen bearbeitet, Breslau 1790.
idem: Die Stimme des Volkes oder die Zerstörung der Bastille, Neuwied 1791.
Campe, Joachim Heinrich: Zweiter Brief aus Paris, während der Revolution geschrieben, in: Braunschweigisches Journal 3 (1789), Elftes Stück, November 1789, pp. 257–319, online: http://www.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/diglib/aufkl/brajou/brajou.htm [08.08.2012].
Charpentier: Die entlarvte Bastille oder Sammlung authentischer Nachrichten zum Behuf ihrer Geschichte, aus dem Französ. von Johann Friedrich Menzel, four booklets, n. p. 1789–1791.
idem: Die enthüllte Bastille oder Sammlung ächter Beyträge zur Geschichte derselben: 1789–1791, Sechste und siebente Lieferung im Auszuge, Lübeck 1791.
idem: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Bastille: in Auszügen und Abschriften einiger merkwürdigen und authentischen Papiere, die bei der Eroberung derselben gefunden wurden, three booklets, n. p. 1789–1790.
Ebeling, Christoph Daniel: Kantate: Der vierzehnte Julius 1790, in: Johann Heinrich Voß (ed.): Musen-Almanach für 1791, Hamburg 1790, pp. 157–159 [with music].
Schirach, Gottlob Benedikt von: Die Ermorderung König Ludwigs XVI., in: Politisches Journal 1 (1793), Stück 2, February 1793, p. 117.
idem: Wie Paris die Freyheit von Frankreich erstürmte, in: Politisches Journal 2 (1789), Stück 8, August 1789, pp. 901–903.
Schubart, Christian Friedrich Daniel: Werke: in einem Band, collected and with an introduction by Ursula Wertheim, Weimar 1959.
Schulz, Friedrich: Geschichte der großen Revolution in Frankreich (1790), ed. by and with an afterword from Gerard Koziełek, Frankfurt am Main 1989.
Vulpius, Christian August: Scenen in Paris, während und nach der Zerstörung der Bastille: Nach franz. und engl. Schriften und Kupferstichen, Sammlung 1–5, Leipzig 1790–1791.
Zschokke, Heinrich: Auszüge aus Briefen eines Norddeutschen an einen Freund in Z. geschrieben aus Paris im April 1796, in: Der neue Teutsche Merkur 2 (1796), 6. Stück, June 1796, pp. 147–173, online: http://www.ub.uni-bielefeld.de/diglib/aufkl/neuteutmerk/neuteutmerk.htm [08.08.2012].
Arasse, Daniel / Rousseau-Lagarde, Valérie: La Guillotine dans la Révolution: exposition, Musée de la Révolution française, Chateau de Vizille, 27 mars–24 mai 1987, Vizille 1987.
Behrens, Klaus (ed.): Die Schriften der Mainzer Jakobiner und ihrer Gegner (1792–1802), Munich 1994, vol. 1–2.
Bindman, David: The Shadow of the Guillotine: Britain and the French Revolution, London 1989.
Chisick, Harvey (ed.): The Press in the French Revolution, Oxford 1991.
Cilleßen, Wolfgang et al. (eds.): Napoleons neue Kleider: Pariser und Londoner Karikaturen im klassischen Weimar, Berlin 2006.
Claeys, Gregory (ed.): Political Writings of the 1790s: French Revolution Debate in Britain, London 1995, vol. 1–8.
Coblentz, Christian-Henke: Realität und symbolische Wirkung eines Emigrantenzentrums, in: Daniel Schönpflug et al. (eds.): Révolutionnaires et émigrés: Transfer und Migration zwischen Frankreich und Deutschland 1789–1806, Stuttgart 2002, pp. 163–181.
Danelzik-Brüggemann, Christoph: Ereignisse und Bilder: Bildpublizistik und politische Kultur in Deutschland zur Zeit der Französischen Revolution, Berlin 1996.
idem et al. (eds.): Das internationale Bildgedächtnis eines welthistorischen Ereignisses: Die “Tableaux historiques de la Révolution française” in Frankreich, den Niederlanden und Deutschland (1791–1819), Göttingen 2001.
Dotzenrod, Ottilie: Republikanische Feste im Rheinland zur Zeit der Französischen Revolution, in: Dieter Düding et al. (eds.): Öffentliche Festkultur: Politische Feste in Deutschland von der Aufklärung bis zum Ersten Weltkrieg, Reinbek 1988, pp. 46–66.
Dumont, Franz: Die Mainzer Republik von 1792/93: Studien zur Revolutionierung in Rheinhessen und der Pfalz, 2nd, enhanced ed., Alzey 1992.
idem: “Singen will ich von Klubbisten, von den deutschen Anarchisten”: Schriften, Reden und Lieder gegen die Mainzer Republik, in: Klaus Behrens (ed.): Die Publizistik der Mainzer Jakobiner und ihrer Gegner: Revolutionäre und gegenrevolutionäre Proklamationen und Flugschriften aus der Zeit der Mainzer Republik (1792/93): Catalogue to the exhibition by the city of Mainz 14 March to 18 April 1993, Mainz 1993, pp. 133–153.
Elyada, Ouzi: Presse populaire et feuilles volantes de la Révolution à Paris, 1789–1792, Paris 1991.
Gough, Hugh: The Newspaper Press in the French Revolution, London 1988.
Greiling, Werner / Middell, Matthias: Frankreich-Berichterstattung in deutschen Zeitungen: Kursachsen und Thüringen zur Zeit der Französischen Revolution, in: Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink et al. (eds.): Kulturtransfer im Epochenumbruch: Frankreich – Deutschland 1770–1815, Leipzig 1997 (Deutsch-französische Kulturbibliothek 9), vol. 1, pp. 197–237.
Grosser, Thomas: Reiseziel Frankreich: Deutsche Reiseliteratur vom Barock bis zur Französischen Revolution, Opladen 1989.
Hébrard, Jean: Répertoire bibliographique des Catéchismes révolutionnaires, in: Lise Andriès (ed.): Colporter la Révolution, Montreuil 1989, pp. 75–81.
idem: La Révolution expliquée aux enfants: les catéchismes de l’an II, in: Marie-Françoise Lévy (ed.): L’Enfant, la famille et la Révolution française, Paris 1989, pp. 171–192 and 461–463.
Herding, Klaus / Reichardt, Rolf: Die Bildpublizistik der Französischen Revolution, Frankfurt am Main 1989.
Hesse, Carla: Publishing and Cultural Politics in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1810, Berkeley 1991.
Kuhn, Axel (ed.): Linksrheinische deutsche Jakobiner: Aufrufe, Reden, Protokolle, Briefe und Schriften 1794–1801, Stuttgart 1978.
Lachenicht, Susanne: Information und Propaganda: Die Presse deutscher Jakobiner im Elsaß (1791–1800), München 2004.
Lüsebrink, Hans-Jürgen / Reichardt, Rolf: Die ‘Bastille’: Zur Symbolgeschichte von Herrschaft und Freiheit, Frankfurt am Main 1990.
idem: “Colporter la Révolution”: Médias et prises de parole populaires, in: Roger Chartier et al. (eds.): Colportage et lecture populaire: Imprimés de large circulation en Europe, XVIe–XIXe siècles, Paris 1996, pp. 71–107.
idem: “Kauft schöne Bilder, Kupferstiche…”: Illustrierte Flugblätter und französisch-deutscher Kulturtransfer 1600–1830, Mainz 1996.
idem (eds.): Kulturtransfer im Epochenumbruch: Frankreich – Deutschland 1770–1815, Leipzig 1997 (Deutsch-französische Kulturbibliothek 9), vol. 1–2.
Mason, Laura: Singing the French Revolution: Popular Culture and Politics, 1787–1799, Ithaca 1996.
Négrel, Eric et al. (eds.): Une expérience rhétorique: L’éloquence de la Révolution, Oxford 2002.
Neugebauer-Wölk, Monika: Der Bauernkalender des Jakobiners Friedrich Christoph Cotta: Realität und Idylle der Mainzer Republik, in: Jahrbuch des Deutschen Instituts für Geschichte 14 (1985), pp. 75–111.
Nohr, René: Von Amberg bis Zweibrücken, von Arnstadt bis Zofingen: Verlagsorte und Verleger französisch-deutscher Übersetzungen, in: Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink et al. (eds.): Kulturtransfer im Epochenumbruch: Frankreich – Deutschland 1770–1815, Leipzig 1997 (Deutsch-französische Kulturbibliothek 9), vol. 1, pp. 361–402.
Pelzer, Erich: Die Wiederkehr des girondistischen Helden: Deutsche Intellektuelle als kulturelle Mittler zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich während der Französischen Revolution, Bonn 1998.
Popkin, Jeremy D.: Revolutionary News: The Press in France, 1789–1799, Durham 1990.
Reichardt, Rolf: Bastillen in Deutschland? Gesellschaftliche Außenwirkungen der Französischen Revolution am Beispiel des Pariser Bastillesturms, in: Ralph Melville et al. (eds.): Deutschland und Europa in der Neuzeit: Festschrift für Karl Otmar Freiherr von Aretin zum 65. Geburtstag, Stuttgart 1988, pp. 419–467.
idem: Die deutsche Bibliothek der Französischen Revolution oder Wie jakobinisch war die Revolutionsrezeption im Südwesten? in: Volker Rödel (ed.): Die Französische Revolution und die Oberrheinlande (1789–1798), Sigmaringen 1991, pp. 147–179.
idem: “Macht ein solches Bild nicht einen unauslöschlichen Eindruck?” Bildpublizistische Reduktion und Übertreibung im politischen Erinnerungsdiskurs um 1800, in: Günter Oesterle (ed.): Erinnerung, Gedächtnis, Wissen: Studien zur kulturwissenschaftlichen Gedächtnisforschung, Göttingen 2005, pp. 449–489.
idem: Die Bildpublizistik zur “Bastille” 1715 bis 1880, in: Andreas Anderhub et al.: Die Bastille: Symbolik und Mythos in der Revolutionsgraphik, Mainz 1989, pp. 23–27.
idem: Zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich: Georg Forster als Mittler der französischen Aufklärungs- und Revolutionskultur, in: idem et al. (eds.): Weltbürger – Europäer – Deutscher – Franke: Georg Forster zum 200. Todestag, Mainz 1994, pp. 225–245.
idem: “Freymüthigkeit, doch kein Sans-Cülotismus…”: Transfer und Transformation der Französischen Revolution in Verdeutschungen französischer Revolutionsschriften 1789–1799, in: Michel Espagne et al. (eds.): Transferts: Les relations interculturelles dans l’espace franco-allemand (XVIIIe–XIXe siècle), Paris 1988, pp. 273–326.
idem: Kokarden, Freiheitsbäume, Societäten: Revolutionskultur am Rhein 1789–1815, in: Franz J. Felten (ed.): Frankreich am Rhein – vom Mittelalter bis heute, Stuttgart 2009, pp. 85–126.
idem: Plurimediale Kommunikation und symbolische Repräsentation in den französischen Revolutionen 1789–1848, in: Sven Grampp et al. (eds.): Revolutionsmedien – Medienrevolutionen, Konstanz 2008, pp. 231–275.
idem: L’imagerie révolutionnaire de la Bastille: Collections du musée Carnavalet, Paris 2009.
idem: “Im Namen der Frankenrepublik”: Aux origines d’une culture démocratique en Allemagne: Pays rhéno-palatins, 1792/1793, in: Annales historiques de la Révolution française 66 (1994), pp. 235–255.
idem: Probleme des kulturellen Transfers der Französischen Revolution in der deutschen Publizistik 1789–1799, in: Holger Böning (ed.): Französische Revolution und deutsche Öffentlichkeit: Wandlungen in Presse und Alltagskultur am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts, München 1992, pp. 91–146.
idem: Französische Revolutionskultur in Mainz 1792–1801, in: Klaus Behrens (ed.): Die Publizistik der Mainzer Jakobiner und ihrer Gegner: Revolutionäre und gegenrevolutionäre Proklamationen und Flugschriften aus der Zeit der Mainzer Republik (1792/93): Catalogue to the exhibition by the city of Mainz 14 March to 18 April 1993, Mainz 1993, pp. 11–51.
idem / Kohle, Hubertus: Visualizing the Revolution: Politics and the Pictorial Arts in Late Eighteenth-Century France, London 2008.
Rétat, Pierre (ed.): La Révolution du Journal, 1788–1794, Paris 1989.
Rieber, Horst: Liberaler Gedanke und Französische Revolution im Spiegel der Reichsstädte Augsburg und Ulm, unpublished dissertation, Tübingen 1969.
Scheel, Heinrich (ed.): Jakobinische Flugschriften aus dem deutschen Süden Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts, Berlin 1965.
Schneider, Herbert: Der Formen- und Funktionswandel in den Chansons und Hymnen der Französischen Revolution, in: Reinhart Koselleck et al. (eds.): Die Französische Revolution als Bruch des gesellschaftlichen Bewußtseins, Munich 1988, pp. 421–478.
Schlieben-Lange, Brigitte: Das Übersetzungsbüro Dugas (1791/92), in: Rolf Kloepfer (ed.): Bildung und Ausbildung in der Romania, Munich 1979, vol. 1, pp. 513–526.
Schoch, Rainer (ed.): Freiheit – Gleichheit – Brüderlichkeit: 200 Jahre Französische Revolution in Deutschland, Nuremberg 1989.
Schoch-Joswig, Brigitte: “Da flamt die gräuliche Bastille”: Die Französische Revolution im Spiegel der deutschen Bildpropaganda (1789–1799), Worms 1989.
Schürer, Norbert: The Storming of the Bastille in English Newspapers, in: Eighteenth-Century Life 29 (2005), pp. 50–81.
Stein, Wolfgang Hans: Die Ikonographie der rheinischen Revolutionsfeste, in: Jahrbuch für westdeutsche Landesgeschichte 15 (1989), pp. 189–225.
Taylor, George: The French Revolution and the London Stage, 1789–1805, Cambridge 2000, pp. 42–51.
Vogel, Christine: Die Pariser Père Duchesne-Zeitungen (1789–1794): Inszenierungen und Diskursstrategien einer plebejischen Revolutionspresse, in: Jahrbuch für Kommunikationsgeschichte 3 (2001), pp. 90–117.
Wagner, Michael: Die Rezeption des “Königsmordes” von 1793 in Deutschland als multimediales Ereignis, in: Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink et al. (eds.): Kulturtransfer im Epochenumbruch: Frankreich – Deutschland 1770–1815, Leipzig 1997 (Deutsch-französische Kulturbibliothek 9), vol. 1, pp. 239–257.
Welke, Martin: Gemeinsame Lektüre und frühe Formen von Gruppenbildungen im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, in: Otto Dann (ed.): Lesegesellschaften und bürgerliche Emanzipation: Ein europäischer Vergleich, München 1981, pp. 29–53.
- Reichardt, Plurimediale Kommunikation 2008.
- Hébrard, La Révolution 1989; Lüsebrink / Reichardt, “Colporter la Révolution” 1996, pp. 77–80.
- Elyada, Presse populaire 1991.
- Gough, The Newspaper Press 1988; Rétat, La Révolution 1989; Popkin, Revolutionary News 1990; Chisick, The Press 1991.
- Vogel, Die Pariser Père Duchesne-Zeitungen 2001.
- “Busts, engravings, paintings, libraries, clowns, puppeteers, jugglers show up in all urban areas, and have a larger or smaller throng of admirers and critics gathered around them. Even melodies are sold and presented to the buyers’ ears”, transl. by C.R. (Zschokke, Auszüge aus Briefen 1796, p. 171).
- Lüsebrink / Reichardt, “Colporter la Révolution” 1996; Schneider, Der Formen- und Funktionswandel 1988; Mason, Singing the French Revolution 1996; Reichardt, “Macht ein solches Bild nicht einen unauslöschlichen Eindruck?” 2005.
- Herding / Reichardt, Die Bildpublizistik 1989.
- Reichardt / Kohle, Visualizing the Revolution 2008, pp. 35–90.
- Boyer-Brun, Histoire des caricatures 1792, p. 10.
- “Germany had been inundated with enough writings about it to induce nausea […] Like an electric shock emanating from Paris, it affected every nation, its spirit spreading all the way to Dalmatia. Even a people like the Romans, who were so jaded they seemed to have lost any notion of liberty, were excited and felt an urge for a moment to improve their lot. Nowhere was the impact felt more strongly, however, than in Germany. The shock wave hit even the smallest German villages and, as a result of the discontent most people experienced, induced a tendency to rebel. There were probably few states in Germany where no kind of unrest developed”, transl. by C.R. ([Anonymus], Ueber Voltairens Vorhersagung 1789, pp. 636f.)
- Claeys (ed.), Political Writings 1995.
- Schürer, The Storming of the Bastille 2005.
- Taylor, The French Revolution 2000, pp. 42–51.
- “It was noted several months ago in our journal that the [French] nation is no longer singing. On the 12th of July, the nation began to cry out, its cries causing the walls of the Bastille, which were probably stronger than those of Jericho, to crumble. Our age is full of wonders. The religious ones have ended. Series of political miracles occur… The days from the 12th to the 15th of July belong to the most remarkable in the history of mankind. […]The explosion was sudden. But the fire had been smouldering for many years. The revolution in Paris in fact has an old origin. Its groundwork was especially laid 3 years earlier. The revolution that started to take root in peoples’ minds at that time was then set into motion on the 14th of July”, transl. by C.R. (Schirach, Wie Paris 1789).
- Reichardt, Bastillen in Deutschland? 1988, pp. 422–454.
- Grosser, Reiseziel Frankreich 1989, pp. 183–220.
- Welke, Gemeinsame Lektüre 1981, p. 30.
- Reichardt, Die Bildpublizistik zur “Bastille” 1989, pp. 23–27.
- Campe, Zweiter Brief aus Paris, p. 288.
- Charpentier, Die entlarvte Bastille 1789–1791.
- Charpentier, Die enthüllte Bastille 1789–1791, 7. Lieferung.
- Charpentier, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Bastille 1789–1790.
- [Anonymus], Merkwürdige Inquisitionsakten 1790.
- [Anonymus], Merkwürdige in dem Archive der Bastille wirklich gefundene Inquisitions-Akten 1790.
- Reichardt, Bastillen in Deutschland? 1988, p. 428.
- “In the last ten weeks, there have appeared in France and England over 60 satires, 6 confessions, 8 reports, 34 narratives, 80 engravings and several thousand epigrams with and without teeth on the occasion of the destruction of the Bastille, the escape of a few nobles from the realm, Necker’s return, the events that are at least anticipated, etc. etc.”, transl. by C.R. (Vulpius, Scenen in Paris 1790, Sammlung 1, p. 3).
- Buri, Die Bastille 1790; idem, Die Stimme des Volkes 1791.
- Ebeling, Kantate 1790, pp. 157–159, with music; see also Lüsebrink / Reichardt, Die Bastille 1990, p. 216f.
- Reichardt, Probleme des kulturellen Transfers 1992, pp. 118–128.
- “He stretched both of his hands to them [his liberators], and implored them to make his suffering brief. A grenadier called out to him: ‘Fear nothing, good man, we do not want to kill you. We want to save you. Your executioner is dead. You shall live.’ The grenadier carried him out in his arms. The open air made him faint at first, but when he came to himself again, he laughed, asked questions and spoke like a child. He had been imprisoned for thirty years”, transl. by C.R. (Schulz, Geschichte der großen Revolution 1989, p. 97f. [emphasis in the original]). See Lüsebrink/Reichardt, Die Bastille 1990, pp. 122–128.
- Reichardt, L’imagerie révolutionnaire 2009, pp. 112–124.
- Everyone thus flocked to the street St. Antoine to enjoy the enthralling sight of the destruction of the dreaded Bastille, where so many innocent people had been victimized by private vendettas and the thirst for revenge. Although 2,000 craftsmen started work at 3 o’clock in the morning on the 16th, as far as the public were concerned, they couldn’t complete it fast enough. And as just Louis XVI entered Paris at one end of the city, the number of workers engaged in tearing down this odious monument of despotism was increased by 500 men. Whenever a stone falls, the people clap their hands, and cry out loud: bravo, and now another one! Work quickly, we’ll pay you cash; and the workers are offered lots of refreshments”, transl. by C.R. (Erlanger Real-Zeitung, July 31, 1789).]
- Cited after Schubart, Werke 1959, p. 327. Schubert first published the three-verse poem in his Vaterlandschronik no. 69 from autumn 1789 and later added to the title: “die dem Verfasser von Paris geschickt wurde” (“which was sent to the author from Paris”).
- Reichardt, Kokarden 2009.
- Dumont, Die Mainzer Republik 1992.
- Neugebauer-Wölk, Der Bauernkalender 1985.
- Behrens, Die Schriften der Mainzer Jakobiner 1994; Reichardt, Französische Revolutionskultur 1993; idem, “Im Namen der Frankenrepublik” 1994.
- Reichardt, Zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich 1994, pp. 235f.
- Dumont, “Singen will ich von Klubbisten” 1993.
- Schoch-Joswig, “Da flamt die gräuliche Bastille” 1989; Danelzik-Brüggemann, Ereignisse und Bilder 1996.
- Schirach, Die Ermorderung 1793.
- Arasse / Rousseau-Lagarde, La Guillotine 1988; Wagner, Die Rezeption des “Königsmordes” 1997; Pelzer, Die Wiederkehr des girondistischen Helden 1998, pp. 161–170.
- Reichardt / Kohle, Visualizing the Revolution 2008, pp. 82–84.
- Rieber, Liberaler Gedanke 1969, pp. 85–87.
- “The desire of German writers and booksellers to Germanize foreign journals … has now reached a peak with respect to France. The great, always persistent events there, the resurrected press freedoms in Paris and the fact that the French literary productions are not books, but almost completely brochures and small dailies, encourage some game publishers to take up this hunt, which they would perhaps avoid in the case of entire books and other works”, transl. by C.R. (Archenholtz, Worte 1795, p. 562).
- Reichardt, “Freymüthigkeit, doch kein Sans-Cülotismus…” 1988; Pelzer, Die Wiederkehr des girondistischen Helden 1998, pp. 141–161 and 327–486.
- Schlieben-Lange, Das Übersetzungsbüro Dugas 1979; Lachenicht, Information und Propaganda 2004.
- Reichardt, “Freymüthigkeit, doch kein Sans-Cülotismus…” 1988; Nohr, Von Amberg bis Zweibrücken 1997, p. 366.
- “One of the many consequences that the French Revolution has had in Germany is the large amount of newly emerged political pundits, page printers and bookmakers, who draw upon the knowledge of newspapers (even the most deplorable ones from southern Germany), and then immediately take pen in hand in order to communicate their opinions about the great events of the day to the world”, transl. by C.R. (Archenholtz, Deutschland 1794, p. 163).