Instrumental Music in Representations of Ancient Greek Cult



By Dr. Gullög C. Nordquist
Professor of Classical Archaeology and Ancient History
Uppsala University

Introduction

Music was indispensable in Greek cult: almost all kinds of musical performances, hymns and dithyrambs as well as the musical agones[1] and theatre performances, belonged to cult in one form or another. It is of course this art-music that has attracted the attention of ancient and modern scholars. “Functional” and popular folk music, however, was of little interest to ancient musicological writers, who looked on it rather contemptuously: in Aristophanes’ Frogs (1300) a serious criticism against Euripides is the “filthy” musical sources he chooses: dance melodies, love songs and work tunes. To the “functional” music belongs also some of the instrumental cult music.

In this paper I concentrate on the use of instruments as depicted in Archaic and Classical vase painting in the “traditional” forms of cult: the pompe and the scenes with animal sacrifice, excluding the orgiastic cults. The questions asked are: At what stage of the cult proceedings are musical instruments depicted? What instruments are played and when? Who are playing them? What relationship does the musician have to the ritual action? To the other participants?

The Pompe

The Instruments

Prosodia were part of the sacrificial processions. These choral songs were often sung by citizen choirs, who were during later periods sometimes replaced by professional groups.[2] The auloi were part of the musical ensemble for the prosodia:[3] hymn composers such as Clonas and Pronomos were also famous auletes.[4] Although choirs are not often depicted, musical instruments are not uncommon in representations of sacrificial processions. Auloi and kithara are the most common, while the lyre occurs sporadically. Of these, only the auloi appears alone. This reed-instrument, related to the oboe, was not one, but rather a whole family of instruments of varying pitch, tuning and timbre, played in pairs and often with a mouth-strap, the phorbeia, each pipe with its own mouthpiece.[5]

The auloi are found in processional scenes on Corinthian vases, e.g., in Frauenfest scenes. On a pyxis in Paris[6] four possible cult scenes are depicted, among them a procession leading up to a scene with the adorning of a small figure standing on a stool, perhaps a statue of a goddess: the procession is led by a little fat man, followed by a large kanephoros, a little man leading a large goat, and a female aulete in front of two women. On a Corinthian amphoriskos in Oslo[7] a woman is playing the auloi in a procession led by three kanephoroi, a large bull and a tall, bearded man.

Fig. 1. A procession including an aulete on a Boiotian exaleiptron. Courtesy of Antikensammlung, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, inv. F 1727. Photo: Isolde Luckart.

A male aulete participates in a procession to Athena Promachos on the Boiotian lekane in London:[8] to the right, behind an altar on which a fire burns, stands Athena Promachos. The procession going towards the altar consists of a kanephoros, a man with bull, an aulete, followed by the other participants. On an exaleiptron in Berlin,[9] a male aulete takes part in a procession led by an enormous pig (Fig. 1). The procession is moving towards an altar on which a fire burns, to the right of the scene. Following the pig are a man with the kanoun, the aulete, and two men. On a Boiotian skyphos in Athens[10] another male aulete is found: to a large high-stepped altar topped with herms leads a procession consisting of a kanephoros, a large goat and two men carrying a large vessel and last the aulete.

Similar scenes are found on Attic pottery, e.g., a skyphos by the Theseus painter,[11] with a male kanephoros, a bull with a leader, an aulete and two men carrying a large vessel on a pole. An amphora by the Affecter in Munich[12] shows a procession, perhaps to Athena, of men, including an aulete, leading a ram to a small altar behind which stand a small female figure, a priestess. A female aulete is found on a Caeretan hydria[13] in Copenhagen (Fig. 2): the altar with a fire burning on it is to the left. Towards it the procession is led by a man carrying a labrys who leads a bull behind which walks another man. Directly after the bull there is a female kanephoros, followed by a female aulete.

In the sacrificial processions string instruments are hardly ever used without accompanying auloi. Of the string instruments, the kithara is the most common, and would indeed have been most suitable for public use, since its large soundbox made it louder than the soft lyra or barbiton. The large seven-string kithara on, e.g., the amphora by Painter of Berlin 1686 (Fig. 3a–b),[14] is the most commonly represented.[15] The kithara was played with a plectrum attached by a string and was ornamented with tassels and pieces of cloth. Alyra[16] is found only in processions of a more private nature, such as on the Pitsa pinax.[17]

   

[LEFT]: Fig. 2. Caeretan hydria with a female aulete. Courtesy of the Department of Near Eastern and Classical Antiquities, the National Museum, Copenhagen, inv. MN 13,567. Photo: Lennart Larsen.
[CENTER]: Fig. 3a. Four musicians, two auletes and two kitharists, in a sacrificial procession on a belly-amphora by the Painter of Berlin 1686 (name-vase). Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Pergamonmuseum, inv. F 1686. Photo: Rosa Mai.
[RIGHT]: Fig. 3b. Four musicians, two auletes and two kitharists, in a sacrificial procession on a belly-amphora by the Painter of Berlin 1686 (name-vase). Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Pergamonmuseum, inv. F 1686. Photo: Rosa Mai.

The metal trumpet salpinx[18] was an instrument for signals, with military connotations. It was sometimes sounded at the beginning of a procession and it has been suggested that it also used in sacrifice, to give the signal to bring forward the sacrificial animals[19] but the evidence in the iconographical material is rather slight. The salpinx is found in a few scenes with Dionysiac processions,[20] and in one case on a vase associated with the Panathenaic procession:[21] A trumpeter confronts three, naked young men leading horses. The last of them turns back and gestures to a dressed man holding a staff. Behind him, four naked young men are overpowering a struggling bull. Lastly there is a sacrificer sharpening his long knives (Fig. 4a–b).

Synaulia means the playing together of auloi, but the term was used also for the simultaneous playing of various instruments.[22] If played together, as in another Athena procession on a Attic black-figured kylix,[23] with two auletes and one person playing a string instrument (probably a kithara) on the amphora in Berlin (Fig. 3) or on a fragment from the Acropolis,[24] the auloi-player usually precedes the player of the string instrument. An exception is the Pitsa pinax, where the boy playing the lyra is slightly in front of the somewhat older aulete. Perhaps they should be seen as standing side by side.

Fig. 4a. A salpinx-player confronts a procession with horsemen, a large bull and a sacrificer. Red-figured kylix. Courtesy of Soprintendenza di Archeologia di Firenze, inv. 81600.

A group of musicians can consist of one aulete and one string-player, one aulete and two string-players, two auletes and one string-player, or two of each, and so on, i.e., consists of various combinations of instrumentalists from two up to eight persons, four on each type of instrument, as seems to be the case on the north frieze of the Parthenon.[25] If the same group was represented also on the south side, this could be taken to indicate a group of up to sixteen musicians in the great Panathenaic procession, the largest orchestra known from classical Greece. It may be noted that Pollux (IV.83) mentions synaulia of auloi during the Panathenaea.

Fig. 4b. A salpinx-player confronts a procession with horsemen, a large bull and a sacrifices Red-figured kylix. Courtesy of Soprintendenza di Archeologia di Firenze, inv. 81600.

The monophonic nature of ancient Greek music, i.e., the same melody being performed in unison or at an octave by all participants, has often been stressed, and perhaps somewhat exaggerated. Various methods of adding and varying melody and accompaniment were known.[26] In the scenes mentioned, the two kithara players on the Berlin amphora 1686 have their fingers on different strings (the first is pressing strings 3, 5, 6, 7 and the second 2, 3, 5 and 7), while both auletes are playing at the same time (see Fig. 3). Perhaps the variation in the positions of the fingers is due only to a wish by the painter to vary the representation, but it can also be seen in relation to the evidence of the Laurion inscription,[27] with a notation for two instruments, auloi playing and supporting the musical line with the kithara accompaniment. The fact that the auloi appear as a single instrument in these scenes, but not the string instruments, also suggests that it was the instrument of the melody.

A core group[28] can be distinguished within the processions consisting of the functionaries, usually the kanephoros, the sacrificial animal, sometimes a priest or other cult officials, and the musician. Two main sets of order are common, the first as on the Boiotian lekane, i.e., the kanephoros followed by the sacrificial animal, sometimes with leaders, and lastly the musician. In the second set on, e.g., the Affecter’s vase, the animal is first, followed by the kanephoros and the musician (Fig. 5a–b). The three may be accompanied by people carrying jugs or hydrias appearing with the animal, the kanephoros, between the kanephoros and the musician or behind the musician.

Fig. 5a. An aulete in a procession on a black-figure amphora by the Affecter. Courtesy by Staatliche Antikensammlungen, München, inv. 1441. Photo: Fachlabor F. Zingel & R. Rehm, München.

Other types do occur. The musician may occasionally come between the kanephoros and the animal.[29] On the shoulder of a black-figured hydria in Paris (Fig. 6),[30] the male aulete stands behind the altar to the right and faces the procession leading up to it. Behind the bearded aulete stands a bearded man, facing the same direction. Left of the altar a child is facing left towards the procession, which is led by a bearded man holding a wreath. After him the sacrificial animal, a cow, led by two men in loin cloths carrying wreaths and followed by a procession of six clothed men. The use of a female sacrificial animal indicates a sacrifice to a goddess, maybe Athena. Her owl appears in the main field just below the altar.

Fig. 5b. An aulete in a procession on a black-figure amphora by the Affecter. Courtesy by Staatliche Antikensammlungen, München, inv. 1441. Photo: Fachlabor F. Zingel & R. Rehm, München.

Here should be mentioned also the scenes of Herakles encounter with Bousiris. According to the myth[31] Herakles is lead to the altar to be sacrificed, but he breaks loose and attacks Bousiris and his men. These mythical sacrificial scenes often includes musical instruments. On a kalpis by the Kleophrades Painter in the Louvre (Fig. 7),[32] are two musicians who have taken part in the procession up top the altar: a lyra-player is disappearing to the left, while a kitharist is shying away behind the altar. The presence of the string instruments is consistent with the scene being the conclusion of a procession. The presence of the lyra and the lack of the auloi underlines the mythical and exotic setting, i.e., the unorthodoxy of the proceedings. In other variants of this scene the auloi is present.[33] The instruments fulfil no direct function in any of these scene, but are treated as the other necessary cult paraphernalia: the jugs, baskets, the sacrificial knife, etc.

 

[LEFT]: Fig. 6. Black-figure hydria. Courtesy of Musées du Louvre, inv. F 10. Photo: Musées Nationaux, Paris.
[RIGHT]: Fig. 7. Herakles and Bousiris on a red-figured kalpis by the Kleophrades Painter. Courtesy of Musées du Louvre, Ν 3376 (MN 401). Photo: Musées Nationaux, Paris.

Sacrificial Scenes

Let us turn now to the sacrificial scenes.[34] The music is here played almost exclusively with auloi. When a string player appears, he is usually Apollo. The strings of the procession scenes have been left aside when the procession reached the cultic area. The auloi are found in the following situations: During the pre-kill period following van Straten’s[35] terminology: On a vase from Agrigento[36] with a sacrifice to Apollo, and on a bell-krater from Boston[37] in the manner of the Kleophon Painter (Fig. 8). In the latter work the central group consists of a priest dipping his hands in a container held above the altar by a younger man, while the sacrificial animal, a sheep, is being held by a boy to the left. This scene can be interpreted as the washing of the hands.[38] The auloi are playing at this stage.

Fig. 8. Sacrificial scene, with an aulete playing to the left. Red-figure bell-krater in the manner of the Kleophon Painter. Courtesy of Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Catherine Page Perkins Fund, inv. 92.25.

On a red-figured stamnos in the Louvre (Fig. 9a–b),[39] a sacrificer is touching the head of a bull which is standing besides a large krater, probably containing water – i. e., the scene depicts the sprinkling of water on the animal. The aulete is holding his instruments, but is not playing.

The next stage shown is the from the post-kill period, the splanchna have been prepared and are being brought forward. On a vase by the Hephaistos Painter[40] with a sacrifice to Apollo, a priest is holding something above the empty altar, probably taken from the basket held by a small boy. Behind the priest the splanchnopt is coming forward. The aulete in the back is not playing. On a bell-krater in Lecce (Fig. 10),[41] the altar stands in front of a tree, to the left is a man in a loin cloth holds a phiale and to the right a dressed kanephoros. This central scene is flanked by naked splanchnopts, who are approaching the altar. The aulete to the right is standing on the steps of a temple playing his instruments. In other words, during this stage, the roasting of the splanchna, the auloi appears both playing and not playing.

 

[LEFT]: Fig. 9a. Sacrificial scene, with a non-playing aulete. Red-figure stamnos by the Eucharides Painter. Courtesy of Musées du Louvre, C 10754. Photo: Musées Nationaux, Paris.
[RIGHT]: Fig. 9b. Sacrificial scene, with a non-playing aulete. Red-figure stamnos by the Eucharides Painter. Courtesy of Musées du Louvre, C10754. Photo: Musées Nationaux, Paris.

In another group of vases the god’s portion has been placed on the altar. On a bell-krater by the Pothos Painter[42] an altar with the god’s portion on it is found in the centre of the scene. To the left of the altar, a man in a loose mantle is taking something from a low basket proffered by a youth. To the right of the altar a splanchnopt, and a man playing auloi. The action of latter part of the sacrifice is often shown compressed in time, in a “synoptic” narrative to follow Snodgrass’s[43] terminology. It is also possible to take it as representing a general ideal sacrifice, by combining important elements of the sacrifice.[44] Such a scene is found on, e.g., a stamnos by Polygnotos[45] showing a bearded priest, holding a phiale, in front of an altar on which burns the god’s portion (Fig. 11). To the right of the altar a splanchnopt is roasting his spit in the fire, while another behind him is holding his. Above the altar is a flying Nike, possibly holding a book roll. Here are represented various stages during the sacrifice: The grilling of the splanchna, the burning of the god’s portion and a libation are shown at the same time. The large aulete to the right is piping. Such scenes, as this one and one on a vase by the Pothos Painter with the aulete to the left (Fig. 12), can be seen as indicating the later part of the sacrifice in general, the “post-kill” period. It seems to have been a part of the ritual when the auloi was played. A kalyx-krater with a sacrifice to Apollo shows the god seated in the background,[46] with two tripods. In the centre is an altar with a standing bearded man holding a staff in his hand to the left. With his other hand he holds a phiale above the altar, i.e., is obviously making a libation, perhaps at the end of the sacrificial ceremony. The splanchnopts are shown as still grilling one spit, while another is retreating from the altar. As in the vase-paintings already mentioned, the auloi are being played.

Fig. 10. Sacrificial scene, with a playing aulete. Red-figure bell-krater by the Nikias Painter. Courtesy of Lecce Museum, inv. 630.

In the iconographical material the auloi are represented as being played during the first part of the sacrifice – the washing of the hands. They are silent when the animal is sprinkled with water. During the preparation of the altar for the splanchna, but before the god’s portion has been placed on it they can be either played or silent. During the latter part of the sacrifice, after the god’s portion has been placed on the altar, they are played.

Fig. 11. Sacrificial scene, with a playing aulete. Red-figure stamnos by Polygnotos. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, inv. Ε 455.

In the representations of sacrifices the aulete, always male, is on the periphery of the central scene, never centrally placed. A left entrance, a left to right direction or a right placing of a figure usually carries a higher degree of importance than the opposite.[47] The processions in the vase-paintings usually move from left to right, stopping at the left side of an altar which is placed at the right of the scene. It is thus not unnatural when the aulete is found standing to the left of the altar in three cases out of four. But he can also appear to the right of the altar, which usually is prominently placed in the centre of the picture. The placing of the figures around it must also, at least partly, be due to the artist’s aesthetic preference and the composition of the picture itself.

Fig. 12. Sacrificial scene with a playing aulete. Red-figure bell-krater by the Pothos Painter. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, inv. 504.

The Musicians and Their Role

The musicians in the scenes discussed can be male or female, and vary in age from children to bearded men. Women auletes, always clothed, are found on the Corinthian vases and on the Caeretan hydria in Copenhagen (Fig. 2).[48] Women are never shown playing the kithara. Male musicians of various ages are more common. On the Pitsa pinax,[49] the music is played by two boys, the lyre player slightly older than the little aulete. On the fragmentary black-figure amphora from the Acropolis in Athens,[50] the musical group consists of a bearded aulete, followed by two kitharists, the last an adult of which only fragments survive, and before him a boy. This boy, the smallest of the represented humans, is playing a kithara that is clearly smaller than that of his grown companion. On the Attic kylix showing a procession to Athena[51] the musical ensemble consists of two auletes, one without and one with beard, and a large unbearded lyra-player. The adult musicians are depicted as of similar size as the rest of the participants. They are usually clothed, occasionally in a draped mantle, often in long festive dress, but naked auletes do occur occasionally, e.g., on the skyphos of the Theseus painter in Stuttgart.[52]

In private sacrifices the instruments were played either by members of the family or by rented professionals. Some musical education was basic for any Athenian with a claim to belong to the educated classes. On the Pitsa pinax the two boys that handle the lyre and the auloi, are best seen as members of the represented family. But in other cases professional musicians participated. By the 3rd century B.C. Dionysiac synodoi were formed by professional actors and musicians.[53] Professional musicians employed at sanctuaries are known from the Hellenistic period onwards.[54] When did professionalism in music come into the cult? It seems clear that professionals played a role in dramatic and dithyrambic music during the classical period,[55] and it would be likely that this is true also of auletes in processions and at sacrifices. The professional aulete Chairis, e.g., turns up in some of Aristophanes’ plays.[56]

It is perhaps possible to distinguish professional musicians on the vase paintings through the typical long aulete’s dress,[57] but to establish the status of such a musician, whether belonging to the artisans or the artistes, seems as difficult as it probably was in real life. In our material it would be tempting to see the group of two adults and a boy musician on the Acropolis fragment as professionals, with the boy working together with his older companions and teachers. The aulete standing before the Athena-altar in his long aulete’s dress on the Princeton Painter’s amphora in New York[58] should perhaps also be taken as a professional (Fig. 13). The scene resembles an abbreviated processional scene, because of the presence of the girl carrying the new dress to Athena.

Fig. 13. Panathenaic amphora by the Princeton Painter. Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Rogers Fund (53.11.1).

The Function of Music in Cult Scenes

Instrumental music was common enough in Greek sacrifices as to make Herodotus (1.132) comment with surprise upon the absence of aulos-music in Persian cult.[59] The association of auloi with sacrifice is made frequently in, e.g., Aristophanes. What was the function of music during the processions and at the sacrifice? First it should be noted that the vase-paintings discussed above are not quite compatible: the processional scenes are mainly black-figure (Corinthian, a Caeretan hydria, Boiotian, and Attic). Only a few are red-figured, among them a fragment from Menidi by the Pan Painter.[60] In the cases where a recipient can be decerned it is usually Athena or some other female deity, as in, e.g., the “Frauenfest” scenes. In one case the recipient is Hermes. The sacrificial scenes are all red-figured, the recipients are male gods, usually Apollo;[61] Hermes is the recipient in the scene on the neck of a volute krater by the Kadmos Painter in Lecce.[62] In other words, there is a distinct change in the iconographical representations, as pointed out by Lehnstaedt[63] and others, from an interest in procession scenes with many participants on equal footing, to the sacrifice itself with only a few important functionaries, as well as from female deities, especially Athena, to male deities, especially Apollo. This may reflect a change within the Athenian society from an old-fashioned collective cult of the state goddess to a more individual type of religion.

The red-figured sacrificial scenes are often shown without an aulete. This hardly means that the Athenians by the 5th century B.C. did without the auloi during official sacrifices, but rather reflect the strong bias against the instrument common among the Athenian elite. From the mid-5th century onwards purely instrumental music, especially aulos music, was considered especially in polite Athenian circles inferior to vocal music, and the auloi had less status than the kithara and other string instruments.[64] The condemnation of inventive modern music, especially auloi music, seems not to have been shared by the ordinary citizen, as is evidenced by the repeated blastings by the philosophers down through the 4th century and later.[65] Instead skilled musical virtuosi remained very popular.[66] The condemnation of the auloi as too complex, emotional and orgiastic, or as weak or mournful an instrument, which disfigured ones face, and made it impossible to sing or recite at the same time as playing, seems to have developed during the 5th century. The auletic traditions of Argos and Thebes were older and stronger,[67] and it is possible to see the protest of the intellectual Athenian circles partly as a prejudice against provincial and less sophisticated traditions, as witnessed by the statement attributed to Alcibiades: “Let the Thebans play the aulos, for they are ignorant of how to converse.”[68]

That one could make a private sacrifice without aulos music is shown in Peace (950) where the sacrifice is hurried on in order not to have the aulete Chairis to turn up and demanding payment for his services. He turns up later in Birds (850) instead.

The processions of modern time tend to have their musical bands leading the way, warning spectators of the coming of the processions, indicating the nature of, and creating the mood for the procession, and assisting the marching. Processional music clearly filled another function during the 5th century B.C. Salpinges may have signalled the advent of the procession, but the music band proper is found well into the pompe. As pointed out by Wegner,[69] the musicians are found at the end of the functionaries but leading the rest of the participants in the procession. The same is true of the sacrificial scenes: the musicians stand on the periphery of the functionaries. In other words, they serve as intermediaries or transmitters between the cult functionaries, and the cult action they are performing, and the other participants, and as a boundary marking the space where the ritual takes place.[70]

In these scenes, the non-playing participants are rarely reacting directly to the music. In the Boiotian Athena procession, a man behind the aulete is stepping in a dance. That dancing was a part of the cult is shown on many vase paintings, but rarely appears in our scenes. But in general their attention is focused on the cultic activity, the goal of the procession or the altar, or occasionally on the other participants. The music functioned together with the participants and directly in the cultic action, rather than relating to passive spectators standing by the side.

During the sacrifice the auloi accompanied song: In the Birds (857–858) the Paian is accompanied by Chairis on the auloi. It has also been suggested that the auloi was used as during the sacrifice as a replacement for the sacrificial shrieks, ololyge, of the Homeric age and later.[71] This seems less probable. The ololyge seem to have accompanied the actual killing of the animal,[72] a stage when the auloi appears to be silent. The auloi function has also been described either as apotropaic,[73] or a festive coming to the god:[74] With the sound of the Lydian pipes the fleeing man approaches Zeus in Pindar’s 5th Olympic Ode (V.45). This can be seen as a calling for the god[75] or a warning to the god that someone is approaching: “Pan is not a god one should approach in silence”.[76] I would like to mention another function: aulos music was accepted or not accepted by the god, i.e., it functioned as an offering.[77] Votives of real or miniature instruments or figures of musicians found in many Greek sanctuaries,[78] may perhaps also be seen in this light. In a typical anecdote by pseudo-Plutarch[79] the talented amateur aulete Ismenias is contrasted to the bad professional player. Ismenias has been piping for a long time at a sacrifice without any sign of the god accepting his music, when a professional takes over and gets the required sign within a short space of time —a sign of better skill one would have thought. But the comment of Ismenias is: “The god liked my music so much that they never wanted it to stop, you played so badly that they got you to shut up immediately.”

Notes

1 Instrumental music had a place in the musical agones from the 6th century. The auletikos nomos or auletike techne, solo for the auloi, was, according to tradition, introduced into the games at Delphi in 586 by Sakadas of Argos with his Pythikos nomos, illustrating Apollo’s fight with the dragon, while the kitharistikos nomos or kitharistike techne, solo for the kithara, was first performed in 558 by Aristonikos, also from Argos (ps.-Plut., De Mus. 1133c); Michaelides, s.v. nomos; Neubecker 44f. For musical agones at the Panathenaea, J. A. Davidson, “Notes on the Panathenaea”, JHS 78 (1958) 23–42

2 Haldane 1966,104; T. Linders, “Continuity in change”, in: Early Greek cult practice (ActaAth-4°, 38), eds. R. Hägg, N. Marinatos & G.C. Nordquist, Stockholm 1988, 268f; Ph. Bruneau, Recherches sur les cultes de Délos à l’époque hellénistique et à l’époque impériale (BEFAR, 217), Paris 1970, 37f.

3 Proclus includes the aulas in his definition of prosodion, cf. bibl. Phot. 320a 18ff Becker; RE s.v. prosodia; Haldane 1966, 99; GMW 1, 51.

4 Ps.-Plut., De Mus. 1132c; Paus. IX, 12, 6; Lehnstaedt, n. 127; Hes. s.v. kuklikoi auloi; Barker, GMW 1, 51f.

5 The aulos was probably a double reed instrument, related to the shawm and the oboe. A beating reed aulos, i.e., a clarinet-type of instrument, may have appeared during the 4th century. The single aulos, monaulos, seems to be a later development, see Michaelides, s.v. monaulos; W Vetter, RE s.v. monaulos. The aulos became especially connected with the Dionysos cult and other orgiastic cults. K. Schlesinger, The Greek aulos, London 1939; Wegner, Musikleben, 52–58; Michaelides s.v. aulos; Neubecker, 76–82, esp. 79 n. 65; Paquette, L’instrument, 23–37; GMW 1, 14–16.
Double wind instruments are known from the Cycladic and Minoan cultural spheres from the Early Bronze Age onwards, e.g., the Cycladic figurine in the Athens National Museum, and on the A. Triadha sarcophagus. It seems to have arrived to the Greek mainland in the Late Geometric period from Anatolia: the mythical auletes Olympos, Marsyas and Hyagnis have Anatolian origin, and the aulos music is connected with terms linking it with Asia Minor, B. Aign, Die Geschichte der Musikinstrumente des ägaischen Raumes bis um 700 v. Chr, Diss. Frankfurt a.M. 1963, 121–123, 145f., 210, 357. For auloi in Late Geometric vase-paintings, cf. Dora Notou, “Musical instruments in early Greek art: Their Oriental and Cypriot models”, Praktika B’ diethnous kypriologikou synedriou, Tomos A, Lefkosia 1985, 415–422.

6 Paris, Bibl. Nat. 4827, Corinthian pyxis by the Skating Painter, 1st quarter 6th century: CVA Paris, Bibl. Nat. 1, PI. 17 (France 7, PL 301); H. Payne, Necrocorinthia, Oxford 1931, no. 878; LIMC s.v. Eileithyia, no. 82; D. A. Amyx, Corinthian vase painting of the Archaic period, Berkeley, Los Angeles & London 1988, 654, cat. no. A-l; D. Callipolitis-Feytmans, BCH 94 (1970) 45, Fig. 1; I. Jucker, AntK 6 (1963) PL 23.2; Wegner, Musikleben, 191.
See also a Corinthian bottle by Bézier’s Frauenfest Painter with two registers of figures, in the upper a small procession with a woman carrying the kanoun, a child and a woman aulete; women talking and carrying wreaths, Amyx, op. cit., 653, cat. p. 229f.

7 Oslo, Mus. of Ethnography 6909, Corinthian amphoriskos: CVA Oslo 1, PL 4 (Norway 1, PI. 4); S. Eitrem, “Opferaufzugand Opfermusikauf korinthischer Amphora”, ArchEph 1953–1954 (1955), 25–34.; K. Friis Johansen, OpRom 4 (1962) 75, Fig. 7; Amyx (supra n. 6), 65.

8 British Museum Β 80, Boiotian lekane: CVA London 2, PL 7a–b (Great Britain 2, PL 65: 4a–b); C. Smith, JHS 1 (1880) 202, PL 7; Pfuhl, MuZ III, no. 169; B. A. Sparkes, “The taste of a Boiotian pig”, JHS 87 (1967) 121, PI. XVIIa.

9 Berlin, Ant. Samml. 1727, Boiotian black-figure exaleiptron: ABV 29, 1; CVA Berlin 4, Taf. 196: 1, 4 (Deutschland 33, PI. 1622:1, 4); G. Berthiaume, Le rôle de mageiros. Études sur la boucherie, la cuisine et le sacrifice dans la Grèce ancienne (Mnemosyne, Suppl. 70), Leiden 1982, 109 n. 7, Pl. 10; Sparkes (supra n. 8).

10 Athens, Nat. Mus. 12531, Boiotian black-figure skyphos: A. Malagardis, “Deux temps d’une fête athénienne sur un skyphos attique”, AntK 38 (1985) 12–92; Lehnstaedt 194, K29.

11 Stuttgart KAS 74, black-figure skyphos by the Theseus Painter, c. 500 B.C.: Paralip. 258; CVA Stuttgart 1, Taf. 19: 1–2, 20: 1 (Deutschland 26, Taf. 1231: 1–2, 1232:1).

12 Munich 1441, black-figure amphora by the Affecter, late work: ABV 238 (242) 243; CVA Miinchen 7, Taf. 336:4, 338 (Deutschland 32, Taf. 1550:4, 1552); H. Mommsen, Der Affekter, Mainz 1975, no. 106.

13 Copenhagen, Nat. Mus. 13.567, Caeretan hydria: K. Friis Johansen, “Eine neue Caeretaner Hydria”, OpRom 4 (1962) 61–81; Durand, Sacrifice et labour, 106; idem, “Ritual as instrumentality”, in: The cuisine, 119–128, Fig. 19; Berthiaume (supra n. 9) PI. 10.

14 Berlin 1686, belly-amphora, by the Painter of Berlin 1686, c. 540–530, from Vulci: ABV 296.4, Para 128; Wegner, MGB, Figs. 12–13; Bull. Metr., Oct. 1953, 54f.; J. Boardman, ABFV, Fig. 135; H. W. Parke, Festivals of the Athenians, London 1977, Fig. 67; A. Rumpf, Rel. Figs. 153–154; Lehnstaedt, 191 Κ 9

15 The kithara seems to have developed from the phorminx of the Homeric epics, cf. Aign (supra n. 5), 238; Neubecker 73; Michaelides s.v. kithara. For string instruments in general, M. Maas and J. Mcintosh Snyder, Stringed instruments of ancient Greece, New Haven & London 1989. For the equipment of the kithara, cf. Maas and Snyder, 67f.; Paquette, L’instrument, 90–101.

16 The lyre, according to one tradition an invention of Hermes, was the leading school- or amateur-instrument; Maas and Snyder (supra n. 15), 85–91; Paquette, L’instrument, 142–169.

17 Athens, Nat. Mus. 16464, wooden pinax from Pitsa: J. Charbonneaux, R. Martin and F. Villard. Archaic Greek art, 620–490 B.C., London 1971, 312, PL 357; Maas and Snyder (supra n. 15), 52, Fig. 17; EAA VI, 202–203; G. Neumann, Problème des griechischen Weihreliefs, Tübingen 1979, 27, PL 12a.

18 The salpinx was mainly a military instrument used for signals and alerts, cf. Xen. Hipp. Ill 11–12; Equ. IX 11. It was used for similar purposes in civil life, cf. Paquette, L’instrument, 74–83; Michaelides, s.v. salpinx; Wegner, Musikleben, 60f. For trumpet agones, see Wegner, Musikleben, 61; idem, MGB, 78–80.

19 For the salpinx in cult, cf. Wegner, Musikleben, 61. Salpinges were used in the procession to the heroes’ tomb at Plataia, Plut. Arist. 21 G.F. 455f.; M. R Nilsson, “Die Prozessionstypen im griechischen Kult”, Jdl 31 (1916) 312; Haldane 1966,101; L. Ziehen, Hermes 66 (1931) 231, on an Athenian inscription regulating the Hephaisteia (LG I3 82), dated to 421–430 B.C., lines 30–31: “apo salp]ingos”. Cf. Lehnstaedt, 56, 89f.

20 A. Frickenhaus, “Der Schiffskarren des Dionysos in Athen”, Jdl 27 (1912) 65f; Eitrem (supra n. 7), 28 n. 3.
1. Bologna, Mus. Civ. inv. 130, black-figure skyphos, close to Theseus Painter, c. 500 B.C., with a procession going to the right with Dionysos in a ship-car accompanied by two silens playing the auloi, the car drawn by two silens. Directly behind the car a man playing a salpinx, followed by four persons and a bull with two leaders: Frickenhaus (supra) 61, Beil. 1.3; UMC s.v. Dionysos, no. 829; CVA Bologna 2, tav. 43 (Italia 7, tav. 342); Haspels, ABL 253, 15; L. Deubner, Attische Feste, Berlin 1956, Taf. 11.1; Parke (supra n. 14), Fig. 42.
2. British Museum Β 648, black-figure lekythos, close to Theseus Painter?, c. 500: Haspels, ABL 267, 14 (Beldam Painter); Lehnstaedt 200 K76, Taf. 4:3; Frickenhaus (supra) 65f., Beil. 1.4. A procession going to the right; a man playing a salpinx followed by a female kanephoros, a man with a thyrsos, a bull with a leader.

21 Firenze, Arch. Mus. 81600, red-figure kylix from Saturina: CVA Firenze IV, 111,1, tav. 117–118 (Italia 38, tav. 1689–1690); A. Minto, MonLinc 30 (1925) 696ff.; Rumpf, Rel. X, no. 164; Lehnstaedt, 201, K84. The presence of the riders in the procession points to the Panathenaea.

22 Ath. 617f–618b.

23 Private coll., black-figure kylix, close to Glaukytes, c. 560–550 B.C.: H. A. Cahn, in: Miinzen und Medaillen, Auktion 18, Basel 1958, 27 no. 85; E. Simon, Die Götter der Griechen, 193; C. Bérard, “Fête et mystères”, in: Cité des images, 105–116, Fig. 152; Lehnstaedt Κ 5; G. Neumann, Gesten und Gebärden in der griechischen Kunst, Berlin 1965, 50.

24 Athen, Nat. Mus. Acro 816, fragmentary black-figure amphora with a procession going to the right: a naked boy with branches leading an adorned bull, a naked boy carrying the kanoun in his upraised left hand, behind him a man, partly missing. After follows a bearded aulete, a boy playing the kithara, and a grown kitharist. Last a boy carrying a branch and straining at a rope attached to the bull’s left hind leg: B. Graef, Die antiken Vasen von der Akropolis zu Athen II, Berlin 1911, 99, Taf. 49.816.
See also a fragment of a black-figure amphora from Menidi with a procession going to the right: men carrying branches, followed by two auletes and two kitharists, all wreathed. P. Wolters, Vasen aus Menidi. II”, Jdl 14 (1889) 104f., Fig. 1.

25 North frieze: procession towards an assembly of gods. After the sacrificial animals with leaders come kanephoroi and hydrophoroi followed by the musicians, four auletes and four kitharists (20–27). After them elders etc. South frieze: possibly musicians directly after the animals (102–105). M. Robertson and A. Frantz, The Parthenon frieze, London 1975; J. Boardman and D. Finn, The Parthenon and its sculptures, London 1985, PL 72, 242 nos. 9–27, 102–105.

26 Plato, Leg. 812d; Neubecker, 97 n. 6; GMW 1, l62f.

27 P. and D. Themelis, “Mousiko epigramma apo te Laurotike”, Praktika 3 epistemonikes synanteses NA Attikes, Kalyvia 1988.

28 Eitrem (supra n. 7), 28f.; Lehnstaedt, 53f.

29 Athen, Nat. Mus. Aero 2009, fragmentary black-figure kylix with a procession, going right, led by a female kanephoros, an aulete, and a kitharist, followed by an animal, snout remaining: Graef (supra n. 24) III (1914) 199 no. 2009, 89 no. 2009.

30 Louvre F 10, black-figured hydria: CVA, Louvre 6, III He, Pls. 61: 3, 62 (France 9, Pls. 400–401); E. Diehl, Die Hydria, Mainz 1964, 229, T218, Taf. 35.2, 36; H. Drerup, in: Festschrift F. Matz, Mainz 1962, 36; Lehnstaedt, 88f., 192 Κ15, interprets this as a procession to the old Athena temple on the Acropolis.

31 Herodotus 2.45.

32 Louvre Ν 3376 (MN 401), red-figured kalpis by the Kleophrades Painter: ARV2 188,70; CVA Louvre 6, PL 52 (France 9, PL 431); LIMC, Bousiris no. 32.

33 For references, cf. R. Vollkommer, Herakles in the art of Classical Greece, Oxford 1988, 22f.; LIMC s.v. Bousiris; J.L. Durand and F. Lissarague, “Héros cru ou bon cuit: histoire quasi cannibale d’Herakles chez Bousiris”, in: Image et céramique grecque, Rouen 1983, 153–157. Some examples are:
1. Villa Giulia 57912, red-figured kylix by Epiktetos with an aulete fleeing to the right of the altar: ARV2 72,24; Add. 82; UMC, Bousiris no. 12; Durand and Lissarague (supra) 154; Durand, Sacrifice et labour, chap. IV, Fig. 33, p. 115.
2. British Museum E. 38, red-figured kylix by Epiktetos with two musicians among the fleeing men, an aulete wearing his phorbeia to the left, to the right a kitharist who has dropped his kithara: ARV2 72,16; Para 328; Add. 82; LIMC, Bousiris no. 11; Durand and Lissarague (supra) 159; Durand, Sacrifice et labour, chap. IV, Fig. 30.
3. Ferrara, Mus. Naz. 609 (T 499), red-figured kylix from Spina in the manner of the Dokimasia Painter with an aulete to the left: ARV2 415,2; Add. 116; VL3 34, Β 5; LIMC, Bousiris no. 16; Durand and Lissarague (supra) 164.
4. Ferrara, Mus. Naz. 3031 (T 579 VI), red-figured volute krater by the Painter of Boulogne 279, from Spina. On the neck a Bousiris scene including an aulete and a kitharist: ARV2 612,1; Para 397; Add. 131; LIMC, Bousiris no. 27; CVA Ferrara 1, tav. 9 (Italia 37 tav. 1653).

34 Haldane 1966, 101.

35 F. van Straten, “The god’s portion in Greek sacrificial representations”, in: Early Greek cult practice (ActaAth-4°, 38), eds. R. Hägg, N. Marinatos and G.C. Nordquist, Stockholm 1988, 51–67.

36 Agrigento 4688, red-figure bell-krater: Durand, Sacrifice et labour, 129 Fig. 51.

37 Boston 95.25, red-figure bell-krater in the manner of the Kleophon Painter: ARV2, 1149,9; Para 457, Add. 165; ArcbClass 20 (1968) PI. 95.1–2; T. B. L. Webster, Potter and patron in classical Athens, London 1972, 50f, Fig. 3; Durand, Sacrifice et labour, 129 Fig. 52; J. L. Durand and A. Schnapp, “Boucherie sacrificielle et chasses initiatiques”, in: Cité des images, 49–66, Fig. 82; Durand and Lissarague (supra n. 33), 153–167, Fig. 1.

38 F. van Straten (supra n. 35), 53; G. Rizza, “Una nouva pelike a figure rosse e lo ‘splanchnoptes’ di Styppax”, ASAlene 37–38 (1959–60) 321–345.

39 Louvre C 10754, red-figure stamnos by the Eucharides Painter: ARV2 228,32; J.D. Beazley, in: Scritti in onore di Guido Libertini, Firenze 1958, 91f., T 2; J. L. Durand, in: The cuisine, 125f., Fig. 13.

40 Frankfurt, Museum fur Vor- und Frühgeschichte Β 413, red-figure bell-krater by the Hephaistos Painter: ARV2 1683,31bis; Para 453, Add. 162; CVA Frankfurt 2, Pls. 77:1–2, 78:1–2 (Deutschland 30, Pls. 1468–1469); Metzger, Imageries, PL 47; K.J. Dover, Greek homosexuality, Cambridge, Mass., 1978, R934; Durand, Sacrifice et labour, 137, Fig. 62a–b; van Straten (supra n. 35), 57f., n. 31.

41 Lecce 630, red-figure bell-krater from Rugge, by the Nikias Painter: CVA Lecce, Mus. Prov. 2, IVD tav. 9:1 ; 3 (Italia 6, tav. 248:1 & 3); ARV2 1334,13; Wegner, Musikleben, 192; I. McPhee, Attic vase-painters of the late 5th century B.C., Diss. Univ. of Cincinnati 1973 (Univ. Microfilms 73–24–846), 113f.

42 Nancy, Inst. d’Archéologie, red-figure bell-krater, by the Pothos Painter: ARV2 1190,26; M. Bulard, BCH 70 (1946) 42–50, Pl. II; G. Rizza (supra n. 38), 336 n. 6, 340 Fig. 25; Metzger, Imageries, 110, 14; van Straten (supra n. 35), 65 no. 28.

43 A. Snodgrass, Narration and allusion (Myers lecture 1982), London 1982. Occasional scenes with instruments in the same field as butchering scenes are perhaps best taken in the same way: as various time stages in the same feast, Berthiaume (supra n. 9), 48–52.

44 A. Verbanck-Piérard, “Images et piété en Grèce classique: la contribution de l’iconographie céramique à l’étude de la religion grecque”, Kernos 1 (1988) 223–233; Chr. Sourvinou-Inwood, in: Fragen und Probleme der bronzezeitlichen ägäischen Glyptik (Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel, Beiheft 3), Berlin 1989, 246–248.

45 British Museum Ε 455, red-figure stamnos by Polygnotos. An altar with the god’s portion in the centre, to the left a bearded man (Diomedes) holding a phiale, to the right a splanchnopt holding the splanchna over the altar, behind him a youth with staff and splanchna, behind him an aulete, playing. Over the altar a flying Nike holding a book roll?: ARV2 1028,9; CVA London 3, PL 124 (Great Britain 4, PI. 189); H. Smith, BMCat III (1896), Ε 455; Rizza (supra n. 38), 327, Fig. 9; van Straten (supra n. 35), 63 no. 14; Metzger, Imageries, 108, 6; Webster (supra n. 37), 50, PL 4a.
See also:
1. Port Sunlight no. 5036 (x2140), red-figure bell-krater, Petworth group, last quarter of the 5th century, from Capua. In the centre an altar with the god’s portion, in front of a column. To the left a bearded man holding a phiale over the altar, behind him a playing aulete. To the right a youth holding a jug in his left hand and the kanoun in his right. Behind him a man with a branch and a phiale: ARV2 1182,2; LIMC s.v. Apollo, no. 952; M. Robertson, Greek, Etruscan and Roman vases in the Lady Lever Art Gallery, Port Sunlight, Liverpool 1987, 92, no. 37; Ε. M. Tillyard, The Hope vases, Cambridge 1923; van Straten (supra n. 35), 63, no. 24.
2. British Museum 504, red-figured bell-krater, Pothos painter: BMCat III, no. 504a; ARV2 1190; Rizza 329, Fig. 24; Metzger, Imageries, 109, no. 13; van Straten (supra n. 35), 65 no. 27, Fig. 19.
The red-figure stamnos with a similar motif, British Museum Ε 456, was heavily restored. On the original sherds no musical instrument appears, according to the information kindly supplied by B. A. Jackson, British Museum: ARV2 1051,17; CVA London 3, PL 24 (Great Britain 4, PI. 189); H. Smith, BMCat III (1896), E456; Rizza (supra n. 38), 32f.; Metzger, Imageries, 108, 7; Webster (supra n. 37), 50f, PL 4b; van Straten (supra n. 35), 63 no. 16.

46 Basel art market, red-figure kalyx-krater, group of Kadmos Painter, c. 420 B.C., with a sacrifice to Apollo. In the centre an altar, in the background two tripods on stands. To the left of the altar a bearded man with a staff holding a phiale above the altar, behind him a young splanchnopt, retreating. To the right of the altar a man holding the splanchna over the altar, behind him an aulete, playing. In the background a seated Apollo with lyre and branch; to the right a silen, to the left a watching woman, probably Artemis: Miinzen und Medaillen, Kunstwerke der Antike 56 (1980), no. 107; Durand, Sacrifice et labour, 132, Fig. 56a–b.

47 R. Hertz, “La prééminence de la main droite: étude sur la polarité religieuse”, Revue philosophique 68 (1909) 553–80, Engl. transi, in: Right and left. Essays on dual symbolism, R. Needham, ed., Chicago & London 1973; G. Lloyd, “Right and left in Greek philosophy” in: Right and left, 167–186, esp. 170; Sourvinou-Inwood (supra n. 44), 249.

48 Supra, nn. 6, 7 and 13.

49 Supra, n. 17.

50 Supra, n. 24.

51 Supra, n. 23.

52 Supra, n. 11.

53 J. A. Kemp, “Professional musicians in ancient Greece”, Greece and Rome 13 (1966) 213–222; A. W. Pickard-Cambridge, Dramatic festivals of Athens, Oxford 1955, ch. 7.

54 For the choir and female aulete at Delos, see Linders (supra n. 2), 268f.; Bruneau (supra n. 2), 37f.

55 Kemp (supra n. 53), 220.

56 Aristophanes, Pax 950; Aves 858.

57 M. Bieber, Jdl 32 (1917) 65f.; J. Boardman, JHS 95 (1975) 11 n. 44.

58 New York 53.11.1, Panathenaic amphora by the Princeton Painter, c. 550 B.C. To the left an aulete before an altar with a burning fire, behind which stands Athena Promachos; behind Athena a woman carrying the cloth on her head and a wreath in her hand: ABV 298 no. 5; CVA New York 4, PI. 13 (USA 16, PI. 741); JRGZM 8 (1961) 70 VI no. 12; Webster (supra n. 37), Fig. 13; Miinzen und Medaillen 1953, 33 no. 320.

59 See also Plat. Epic. 1102A; Haldane 1966,101,106. Instruments were usually not used in the chthonic cults, Haldane 1966, 106.

60 Fragmentary red-figure kantharos by the Pan Painter: P. Wolters, “Vasen aus Menidi. II”, Jdl 14 (1889) 106, Fig. 8; ARV2 558, 142; A. B. Follman, Der Pan-Maler, Bonn 1968, 66, PI. 2.1. Procession going left: a bearded man carrying a jug, and a beardless man dressed in a loincloth carrying a jug, followed by an aulete and a kitharist.

61 E.g., the red-figure kalyx-krater, supra n. 46.

62 Lecce J. 1093, red-figure volute krater by the Kadmos Painter. On the neck, side A: Apollo and Marsyas, Hermes appearing to the right. Side B: Sacrifice to Hermes. In the centre a garlanded altar with the god’s portion, to the left a man in a loose mantle watching the altar, behind him a young splanchnopt and a playing aulete in front of aherm. To the right of the altar a splanchnopt, behind him a bearded man and a seated youth: ARV2 1184,1; CVA Lecce, Mus. Prov. 2, IV DR, tav. 9, 2–3 (Italia 6, tav. 248); H. Sichtermann, Griechische Vasen in Unteritalien, 1966, 20f., Taf. 12–17.

63 Lehnstaedt, passim.

64 Plato, Leg. 669b–670b, Resp. 399 d–e.

65 GMW 1, 133 n. 32; Aristophanes, Nub. 968ff.; Ran. 1314; Plato, Leg. 700ff, 812 b; Aristoxenos ap. Athen. XIV 631 f.; Kemp (supra n. 53), 213–222. No prejudice is shown against instrumental music in the Panathenaic agones at the time of Pericles, see Plut. Per. 13.11, discussed by Davidson (supra η. 1), 33–36, 41f. A 4th century prize list (IG II–III2, 2311) mentions all four competitions.

66 The musical agones gave opportunity for musicians such as Sakadas from Argos to evolve a tradition of high technical, artistic and intellectually satisfying music. Also the theatre performances needed and invited not only a high standard of musical performance but also musical invention, as exemplified by Euripides, cf. GMW 1, 62f.

67 For the auletes of Thebes and Argos, see Kemp (supra n. 53), 219, 221; GMW 1, 97.

68 Plato, Alcib. I. 106e; Kemp (supra n. 53), 219.

69 Wegner, Musikleben, 96f.; Haldane 1966, 101.

70 E. Werner, “Music and religion”, in: The encyclopedia of religion, ed. M. Eliade, vol. 10, New York and London 1987, 169f.

71 Nilsson, GGR2 138f.; Wegner, Musikleben, 97.

72 Aesch. Sept. 267f; Ag. 1128; Eurip. IT 1335–1338; G. S. Kirk, in: Le sacrifice dans l’antiquité (Entretiens sur l’antiquité classique, 27), Genève 1980, 66; W Burkert, ibid., Ill; idem, Greek religion, Cambridge Mass. 1985, 56.

73 Wegner, MGB, 8; idem, Musikleben, 97.

74 Wegner, MGB, 8; idem, Musikleben, 98.

75 Wegner, Musikleben, 97: calling the god to a food offering.

76 Menander, Dyskolos 432.8.

77 Parke (supra n. 14), 21.

78 For example, lead figurines of instruments and instrumentalists in the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia (The sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta (JHS, Suppl. 5), ed. R. M. Dawkins, London 1929, Pls. 161–162; terracottas with instruments (Apollo?) and Pan figures at Lindos, (Lindos 1, Plms. 110, 134, 135; cf. Β. Alroth, Greek gods and figurines (Boreas 18), Uppsala 1989, 64 n. 514); bronze figure of Apollo with kithara at Lusoi (LIMC, Apollo no. 193, cf. Alroth, op. cit., p. 95 n. 590); figurines from the Athena sanctuary at Emporio (J. Boardman, Excavations in Chios 1952–1955- Greek Emporio, BSA Suppl. 6, London 1967, PI. 96) to mention a few.

79 Ps. Plut. Quaest. symp. II,1 632c–d.


From The Iconography of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods: Proceedings of the First International Seminar on Ancient Greek Cult, organised by the Swedish Institute at Athens and the European Cultural Centre of Delphi (Delphi, 16-18 Novembre 1990), edited by Robin Hagg

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